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Philippa of Hainault 
and Her Times 

Philippa of Hainault 
and Her Times 


B. C. Hardy 

Author of "The Princesse de Lamballe" 

With Photogravure Portrait, Fourteen Illustrations 
and Genealogical Table 

"Tall and upright was she, wise, gay, humble, pious, liberal and 
courteous, decked and adorned in her time with all noble virtues, 
beloved of God and of mankind. . . . And so long as she lived, the 
kingdom of England had favour, prosperity, honour and every sort of 
good fortune ; neither did famine or dearth remain in the land during 
her reign, and so you will find it recorded in history." FROISSAKT. 




Marriage of Edward II and Isabella of France Edward's 
weak character His favourites Piers Gaveston The 
King's half-brothers Character of Isabella Birth of 
Edward III First meeting of Isabella and Mortimer 
Escape of Mortimer from the Tower Isabella complains 
of her husband to her brother the King of France She 
is allowed to go to France Prince Edward joins her to 
pay homage for his father's French Duchy The Queen 
and Prince refuse to return The nobles of England im- 
plore them to lead an army against the King and his new 
favourite Hugh Despenser The King of France refuses to 
countenance such an invasion The Queen and Prince fly 
from Paris to Hainault Sir John of Hainault visits them 
with greetings from his brother the Count of Hainault 
They proceed to Valenciennes and are warmly received - 17 


The Count of Hainault's four daughters Edward's particular 
friendship with Philippa Happy days at Valenciennes 
An army is raised for Isabella, who lands in England and 
is enthusiastically received The King flies to Bristol, but 
is captured Death of the Despensers Strong feeling 
against the King He is taken to Kenilworth and forced 
to abdicate in favour of his son Edward III is pro- 
claimed King and crowned He sends ambassadors to 
Hainault to ask Philippa's hand in marriage Progress 
of the negotiations The Pope's dispensation is granted 
Death of Edward II 30 




Philippa's arrival in England Enthusiastic reception in 
London Her journey to York Meeting and marriage 
with Edward The "Shameful Peace" is made with 
Scotland Edward and Philippa at Woodstock Philippa's 
household Her correspondence with the Pope Marriage 
of Princess Joan to David Bruce Growing unpopularity 
of Isabella and Mortimer Execution of the Earl of Kent 
Death of the King of France Edward's claim to the 
Throne of France He is persuaded not to prosecute it, 
and goes to Paris to pay homage for his Duchy to the 
new King Philip He learns the truth about his mother 
Isabella 45 



Philippa's dowry Her coronation Birth of her son Rejoic- 
ings in England Edward determines to arrest Mortimer 
William Montacute undertakes to do so at Nottingham 
He and a few friends are admitted to the castle 
Mortimer is seized, and taken to London, and hanged 
Frantic grief of Isabella Her madness and solitary life 
Honours for Montacute 63 



Philippa's happiness Her position assured The poverty of 
England She introduces wool manufactures Visit of 
the Countess of Hainault Splendid tournaments Fall 
of the royal stand at a tournament in Cheapside Philippa 
pleads for the culprits Marriage of Princess Eleanor, the 
King's sister Her wedding presents Birth of Princess 
Isabella Philippa's uprising Her management of her 
children Edward Baliol attacks David Bruce Conquers 
at Dupplin and enters into a treaty with Edward The 
Peace with Bruce broken Edward and Philippa go to 
Scotland Philippa besieged in Bamborough Castle 
Bruce defeated at Halidon Hill Birth of Princess Joan 
Philippa and her children settle at York Birth and 
death of Prince William Philippa is asked to leave St. 
Cuthbert's Priory Death of Prince John the King's 
brother Edward leaves Scotland 72 



Hypocrisy of Philip of France Edward is advised to prosecute 
his claims Count Robert of Artois quarrels with Philip 
and is received by Edward Domestic legislation Edward 
prepares for war The vows of the Heron Philippa's vow 
Edward's allies Death of the Count of Hainault 
Philippa as a woman of business Edward's poverty The 
King and Queen with Princess Joan sail for Antwerp - 89 


The reception in Antwerp Philippa parts from her husband 
and daughter at Herenthals Edward meets the Emperor 
Lewis at Coblentz The Vicariate of the Empire is be- 
stowed upon him Joan is betrothed to the son of Duke 
Otho of Austria Edward returns to Philippa Winter in 
Antwerp Van Arteveldt the great brewer of Ghent 
Edward's debts The crown jewels are pawned Birth 
of Prince Lionel Philippa's friends Her generosity and 
popularity Abuse of her kindness Edward adopts the 
arms of France Philip refuses to meet him in battle 
He returns to England for supplies Birth of John of 
Gaunt Absurd stories Birth of Philip van Arteveldt 
Princess Joan returns to her mother Edward brings his 
eldest daughter out from England Sea-fight off Blanken- 
berg Isabella and Joan are sent back to London Their 
life in the Tower Edward besieges Tournay Philippa's 
mother implores her brother and son-in-law to make 
peace Truce is agreed upon The King and Queen with 
their children returned unexpectedly to England 
Edward's anger at finding the Tower unguarded A 
happy Christmas - 104 


Philippa's pecuniary difficulties The founding of Queen's 
College, Oxford Her interest in it Birth of Edmund of 
Langley The Emperor Lewis is reconciled to the Pope 
and recalls the Vicariate from Edward David Bruce re- 
turns to Scotland Edward hurries north The romantic 
story of the Countess of Salisbury Joan the Fair Maid of 
Kent Truce with Scotland Visit of the Earl of Hainault 
and Sir John Magnificent tournaments Edward's matri- 



monial plans for his children Marriage of Prince Lionel 
Birth and death of Blanche of the Tower Philippa's 
motto Edward adopts the cause of John de Montfort 
Duke of Brittany, and sends help to his Countess Her 
son is given into Philippa's care Death of Robert of 
Artois Philippa's kindness to her damsels Her eldest 
son is made Prince of Wales Troubles of Edward's sister 
Eleanor Duchess of Gueldres Great tournament of the 
Round Table at Windsor Death of the Earl of Salisbury 
Birth of Princess Mary of Waltham Death of the 
Duke of Brittany and betrothal of Princess Mary to his 
son Edward and the Prince of Wales sail for Sluys 
Murder of Van Arteveldt Death of Philippa's brother 
the Earl of Hainault Troubles over her inheritance 
Death of the Earl of Lancaster 125 



Birth of Princess Margaret of Windsor Edward and his son 
sail again for France March from Cap la Hogue to Paris 
and thence towards Calais The battle of Cre"cy The 
Prince of Wales distinguishes himself and is named the 
Black Prince Edward besieges Calais Philip of France 
begs David Bruce to invade England Philippa hurries to 
Durham Battle of Neville's Cross David Bruce is taken 
prisoner by John Copeland, who refuses to yield him to 
Philippa Edward sends for Copeland to Calais and orders 
him to do so David is delivered to Philippa at York 
Charles of Blois is brought prisoner to the Tower - - 162 



Betrothals of Princess Joan to Pedro of Castillo and of Princess 
Isabella to Count Louis of Flanders Louis is at first 
reluctant but agrees Philippa and her eldest daughter 
sail for Calais Life in the English camp Character of 
Isabella Her solemn betrothal Philippa's preparations 
for the wedding Count Louis escapes while hawking and 
flies to France, where he marries Margaret of Brabant 
Consternation at the English Court Isabella's chagrin- 
Sufferings of the people of Calais Philip of France cannot 
help them They ofier to surrender Edward's cruel terms 
Philippa begs the lives of the Six Burghers Entry of 
the English into Calais Edward and Philippa return to 

England 164 




Rejoicings in England Character of Edward III Philippa's 
domestic trials Difficulties of housekeeping Extrava- 
gance in England Approaching marriage of Princess 
Joan Her wedding presents and dresses Sad parting 
from her parents She sails for Bordeaux The marriage 
is arranged for November Edward founds the Order of 
the Garter Magnificent spectacle The coming of the 
Black Death Its symptoms and rapid spread Terror 
and despair on the Continent Death of Princess Joan 
Grief of her parents The plague spreads to England Its 
progress and results -------- 181 



Queen Joan of Scotland comes to England to ask her hus- 
band's release, but without avail Secret marriage of the 
Fair Maid of Kent to Sir Thomas Holland Birth and 
death of Prince William of Windsor Philippa's royal 
progress Death of the Countess of Salisbury Philippa's 
rights and privileges Attack upon Calais Death of 
Philip of France Spanish pirates on the English coast 
Sea-fight of Lespagnols sur Mer Philippa watches the 
ships from shore Her joy in victory Her forebodings 
for the future Business affairs She opens up the coal- 
mines of Tynedale and the lead works of Derby - - 203 



Princess Isabella falls in love with Bernard Ezzi Magnifi- 
cent preparations for her wedding Philippa is doubtful 
of its wisdom Isabella breaks the engagement Death 
of Bernard Ezzi Isabella's pleasant position in society 
Her estrangement from her mother The Duke of Lan- 
caster deals satisfactorily with the Hainault estates His 
daughter Maud marries the Earl of Hainault His duel 
with the Duke of Brunswick King John of France 
murders the Comte d'Eu Death of the Earl of Kent 
The great drought Betrothal negotiations of the Prin- 
cesses Mary and Margaret War with France renewed 
Birth of Prince Thomas of Woodstock Fresh troubles in 
Scotland 221 





Edward goes to Scotland Baliol sells his rights The Burnt 
Candlemas Campaign of the Black Prince in France 
William of Wykeham at Windsor The King's dogs The 
battle of Poitiers Two years' truce with France The 
Black Prince brings King John prisoner to London 
Enthusiastic reception Little Prince Philip Chivalrous 
treatment of King John Release of David of Scotland 
Madness of the Earl of Hainault - - 234 



Edward and Philippa's portraits are painted with their chil- 
dren Great Feast of St. George Special honours for 
Philippa Charges of her younger children Death of 
Queen Isabella Marriage of Princess Margaret and the 
Earl of Pembroke Marriage of John of Gaunt and Blanche 
of Lancaster Jewels and tournaments War with France 
renewed Philippa and Thomas are left in charge of Eng- 
land Black Monday The Storm of Vengeance The 
Peace of Bretigny Edward returns King John is free and 
hurries to France Froissart arrives in England Eeturn 
of the Plague Death of the Duke of Lancaster Marriage 
of Princess Mary and Duke John of Brittany Deaths of 
the Princesses Mary and Margaret and of Sir Thomas 
Holland Marriage of his widow to the Black Prince - 249 



Prince Lionel and his wife go to Ireland They are in peril 
Edward Ill's Jubilee Dukedoms for his sons English 
is henceforth to be spoken in the law courts Deaths of 
Queen Joan of Scotland, Maud of Hainault, and the 
Duchess of Clarence Prince Lionel returns to England 
The Black Prince is made Duke of Aquitaine and goes 
with his wife to live at Bordeaux The English are 
ordered to give up "vain games" The French Princes 
are allowed to live in Calais on parole The Duke of Anjou 
escapes King John voluntarily returns to England 
Philippa's kindness The Lord Mayor's banquet King 
John's death Princess Isabella falls in love with Ingel- 
ram de Coucy Their magnificent wedding De Coucy is 
made Earl of Bedford They sail for France - - - 269 




Birth of a son to the Black Prince Albert of Hainault visits 
England Birth of Princess Isabella's daughters The 
Black Prince adopts the cause of Pedro of Spain and wins 
the Battle of Navarrete Miserable end of Pedro Failing 
health and unpopularity of the Black Prince Lionel Duke 
of Clarence leaves Ireland never to return Negotiations 
for his marriage to Violante of Milan The treaty is signed 
Lionel leaves for Paris Is entertained by the French 
King and by his sister Isabella Proceeds to Milan Mag- 
nificent wedding Incidents of the feast Concourse of 
poets Petrarch and Chaucer Lionel and his bride pro- 
ceed to the hills His sudden death Suspicions of poison 281 



Failing health of Queen Philippa Deterioration of Edward's 
character Renewed war with France Philippa's parting 
from her sons Her last requests to the King Her death 
Universal grief Her funeral, monument, and epitaph 
Her will and bequests Death of the Black Prince 
Death of the Duchess Blanche Edward under the do- 
minion of Alice Ferrers Loss of prestige in England The 
power of John of Gaunt Death of the King Careers of 
his sons Separation of the Princess Isabella and her 
husband Philippa's character and work - 294 








A SEA FIGHT - - 216 















WHEN Isabella the Fair, daughter of Philip le Bel 
and sister to three Kings of France to be, was 
wedded in the great cathedral at Boulogne to 
Edward II, King of England, in presence of eight 
sovereign Kings and Queens, little could it have 
been dreamed that this union should sow the seeds 
of war through a hundred years, nor that the bride's 
name should pass down to futurity in abhorrence 
as that of the " she-wolf of France ". Never since 
the days of Judith, wife of Ethelwulf, had King of 
England made so magnificent a match, and no cir- 
cumstance was wanting to lend the ceremony all 
the pomp and splendour it deserved. Isabella was 
just fourteen, and had been betrothed since she 
was eight ; while Edward was in his twenty-third 
year and, like all the Plantagenets, extraordinarily 
handsome. He had but just succeeded to the 
throne on his father's death ; and the injunction to 
hasten his marriage was the only one of that father's 
dying commands which he took pains to fulfil. 
For grim old Edward Longshanks held but a poor 
opinion of this son of his, and hoped against hope 
that the French match should lend him the pres- 
tige and influence his own character could never 

17 2 


The marriage took place on January 25, 1308, 
and after a fortnight's festivities the pair returned 
to England. Edward was a handsome fool and 
Isabella a brilliant child, with the seeds of a mad 
imprudence in her nature. For thirteen years, 
however, she played the part of an exemplary wife, 
mother and Queen, in the face of what must have 
been exceptionally trying circumstances. It is true 
Edward has never been proved unfaithful towards 
her ; but perhaps she found his weakness, his cold- 
ness, his selfishness, his vacillation, and his really 
cruel neglect of her even harder to bear, and might 
have welcomed some human warm-blooded error in 
him as a sign of life. Edward undoubtedly pos- 
sessed what is to-day called the "artistic tempera- 
ment," never an easy thing to live with ; he posed 
beautifully at every crisis of his life, wrote the most 
moving letters without an ounce of feeling behind 
them, was constitutionally incapable of forming an 
independent judgment, always in the hands of bad 
and unscrupulous friends, wildly excited over foolish 
whims, and absolutely careless of grave affairs of 
state. His fancy for his pretty bride soon passed, al- 
though for the first few years of the marriage Isa- 
bella remained deeply in love with him, spite of her 
natural indignation when she saw him, immediately 
on their arrival in England, hand over the chief 
part of the jewels presented to him by her father 
to Piers Gaveston, his favourite of the moment. 
Gaveston was hated as much by the nobles of Eng- 
land as by the Queen, and his fall was swift and 
sudden : for the King's cousin, Thomas, Earl of 
Lancaster, took and beheaded him at Blacklow Hill 
in 1312. For a time Edward was inconsolable 
and mourned pathetically, but a few years later 



he found a fresh favourite in Hugh Despenser, a 
greedy and insolent young man, who flattered the 
foolish King to the top of his bent, and in conse- 
quence reaped for himself and his father wealth, 
honours, power, and the deadly hatred of every 
right-minded man in England. Each of the fa- 
vourites had found it amusing to sneer at and 
make sport of the proud and beautiful young 
Queen, in order to show his influence with her 
lord, and it speaks volumes for Edward's despic- 
able character that he not only permitted this, but 
took every opportunity himself of putting public 
humiliation upon his wife. 

Edward was the only surviving son of his father's 
first marriage. Edward I had, however, been 
married a second time, to Marguerite of France, 
Isabella's aunt, and by her had two sons, Thomas 
of Brotherton, Earl of Norfolk, and Edmund of 
Woodstock, Earl of Kent ; who were thus at the 
same time the King's half-brothers and the Queen's 
first cousins. The sympathies of both lay entirely 
with Isabella and against the power and misdeeds 
of the Despensers ; and the same might be said of 
the King's cousins, Thomas, Earl of Lancaster, and 
his brother Henry. In 1322 the Despensers got 
possession of the Earl of Lancaster, and beheaded 
him at Pontefract : and as he left no children, his 
title fell to his brother Henry, destined to long and 
glorious years in England's service. These three 
therefore, the Earls of Norfolk, Kent and Lan- 
caster, the King's nearest relatives beyond his im- 
mediate family, were the most determined foes of 
his favourites and consequently of himself, since 
he had at this time no will but the Despensers'. 
The Queen's wrongs, however, were not so far 



mentioned or dreamed of as a political motive. It 
is necessary to make this clear in order to explain 
what happened after. 

But there was bad blood in Isabella, and under 
the peculiar circumstances of her life, it could only 
be a question of time when it should rise to the 
surface. Her father has many an evil deed set 
down to his account in history, and her brothers 
and their wives were destined to add to the sum : 
none of that race ever controlled an impulse, and in 
certain branches were already marked traces of 
mental derangement. From the first she was im- 
mensely popular with the people, especially after 
the birth of her son, Edward of Windsor, in 1312 : 
she was also extraordinarily beautiful, possessed of 
great charm, and seems all her life to have held the 
power of attaching people passionately to her person 
all apparently except her husband. Her children 
every one adored her. Besides Edward of Wind- 
sor, she had John of Eltham, born in 1315 ; Eleanor, 
1318 ; and Joan of the Tower, 1321. It was at 
the time of this last child's birth that matters began 
to go wrong. There was a good deal of rioting 
in London then, and the Queen retired to the 
Tower for her confinement ; that wonderful build- 
ing being a palace, as well as a fortress and a prison, 
and undoubtedly the safest place for her at the 
moment. But amongst those imprisoned there, 
was one Roger Mortimer, a bold and daring chief 
of the Welsh border, who lay under sentence of 
death for having defied the grasping injustice of 
the Despensers. Mortimer had a French wife, 
who visited him in his cell, and bethought herself 
that the Queen was French too, hated the De- 
spensers bravely, and might be pleased to signify 



her happy recovery by obtaining a pardon for her 
countrywoman's husband. The plan was broached, 
and Isabella was gracious, and condescended to give 
audience to the condemned man. 

That interview changed the history of England. 
Isabella had met her master ; her stormy heart was 
won, and henceforth she appears but as Mortimer's 
slave. By Christmas he obtained his reprieve from 
execution, though still a prisoner, and he immedi- 
ately conceived the wild plan of seizing the Tower 
himself, as well as Wallingford Castle, and march- 
ing against the King's friends. Isabella can hardly 
have been a party to this scheme, but on its dis- 
covery she protected Mortimer again, and once 
more saved his life. Her staunch partisanship 
woke suspicion in Edward and the Despensers, 
and it is indeed probable that her guilty relations 
with Mortimer began almost as soon as their ac- 
quaintance : no doubt she saw as much as she 
wished of her protege, but nothing could be proved 
against her. In August, 1323, very probably by 
her connivance, he escaped from the Tower, lay 
hidden some time in England, and at last got safely 
across to France. 

For the moment the Queen breathed freely ; but 
soon she began to sigh sorely for her lover, and 
bent all her energies towards a possibility of re- 
union. Hitherto she had never cared to advertise 
her wrongs, manifold though they were, but now 
she deliberately made every possible use of them, 
and her prestige and popularity rose higher than 
ever. Nobody but Edward and his favourites 
really believed the tales against her, most people 
considering them wanton and cruel attacks upon 
her reputation ; and with an audacity worthy of a 



better cause, she traded upon this and upon her 
personal beauty and charm. Kent, Norfolk and 
Lancaster honestly believed her true and stood 
staunchly by her ; while the relations between her 
and the Despensers became strained to the utter- 
most. At last, out of sheer spite, they persuaded 
the King to deprive her of the Earldom of Corn- 
wall, her property by the marriage contract ; and 
she wrote passionately to her brother, the King of 
France, to implore his protection and interference. 
He responded by informing Edward that since he 
had omitted to pay homage at the appointed time 
for the provinces of Guienne and Ponthieu, held by 
the Kings of England under the French Crown, he 
should be immediately dispossessed of them. This 
set the whole of England in a tumult, for the pos- 
sessions were rich ones, and such a loss could not 
be endured. It seemed necessary that Edward 
himself should hurry to Paris and speak the French 
King fair ; but now Isabella gently and sweetly 
suggested that she should go instead, make peace 
the woman's sphere between her husband and 
her brother, and smooth the troubled waters of 
diplomacy with the oil of a woman's tact. The 
idea was debated in Parliament ; it seemed a good 
one ; a hollow friendship was patched up between 
Isabella and the Despensers, and in the beginning 
of May, 1325, attended by the Lord John Crom- 
well and four knights, the Queen set sail for her 
native land. 

At first all went well. Truce was made, Charles 
of France expressed himself charmed to receive 
his sister in Paris, and promised to give Guienne 
back to the English King, if he would pay certain 


costs and come himself to do personal homage for 
it. Isabella, happy and fted, with Mortimer by 
her side, knew very well that Edward would do 
nothing of the kind : so she blithely made arrange- 
ments for the meeting of the Kings at Beauvais ; 
and was not at all surprised to learn that the De- 
spensers so strongly dreaded the weakening of 
their influence with the King, should he join her 
alone, that they were throwing every possible ob- 
stacle in the path of his consenting to go. She 
affected to consult her brother again, and at last 
wrote to her husband that if he chose to invest 
their young son Edward with the Duchy of Guienne 
and the Earldom of Ponthieu and send him over to 
do homage in his stead, Charles would accept the 
compromise and regard it as sufficient. Even she, 
however, must have been amazed at the alacrity 
with which the King and his counsellors fell into 
this trap. The only scruple which seems to have 
troubled Edward concerned a treaty of marriage 
which he had almost concluded between his son 
and the Infanta Eleonora of Aragon, while his 
own little daughter Eleanor was at the same time 
to wed the young King of Aragon : the Pope's 
dispensation having already been asked in both 
cases. Before the Prince was allowed to start, 
therefore, his father made him swear to sign no 
treaty of marriage while abroad, nor to permit the 
Queen to do so in his name. The thirteen-year-old 
boy, impatient to join his beautiful and worshipped 
mother, readily promised anything; and, accom- 
panied by the Bishops of Oxford and Exeter and a 
great following of knights, sailed on September 12, 
1325, from Dover to Boulogne ; where, two days 



later, mother and son were together once more. 
They immediately hastened to Paris, and on 21 
September, the homage was paid at the Bois de 

It might now have been supposed that no further 
necessity could keep the Queen and Prince of 
England in a foreign capital ; but Isabella had won 
her freedom with such difficulty that she did not 
intend to renounce it too soon, and in drawing up 
the treaty had purposely left one clause vaguely 
worded in order to provide an excuse for lingering 
at the gay Court where she found herself so great 
a centre of attraction. It is difficult to say what 
her plans at this time were, or even if any definite 
ones had been formed ; it is more likely she enjoyed 
herself from day to day, and put aside all thoughts 
of a future which could mean only a dismal return 
to the vexations and humiliations of her husband's 
rule. But no sooner had Edward sent his son and 
heir to his wife's side than he realized how enormous 
a power he had placed in her hands, and became 
gravely uneasy as the months slipped on, and no 
mention was made of their return. One of the 
Bishops who had accompanied the Prince, Walter 
Stapeldon, Bishop of Exeter, so strongly disapproved 
of all he saw in Paris that he returned, not without 
difficulty, to England, and warned the King of con- 
spiracies against his person, his honour, and his 
kingdom ; for Mortimer was ever at the Queen's 
side, and the name of Mortimer boded ever ill for 
Edward. Edward promptly wrote letters to both 
wife and son which are a perfect model of pathos 
and noble expostulation, imploring and commanding 
their return. 



"VERY DEAR SON" (runs one, dated December 
1325), "As you are young and of tender age, we 
remind you of that which we charged and com- 
manded at your departure from Dover, and you 
answered then, as we know with good will, ' that 
you would not trespass or disobey any of our in- 
junctions in any point for any one'. And since 
that your homage has been received by our dearest 
brother, the King of France, your uncle, be pleased 
to take your leave of him, and return to us with all 
speed in company with your mother, if so be that 
she will come quickly : and if she will not come, 
then come you without further delay, for we have 
great desire to see you and to speak with you, there- 
fore stay not for your mother, nor for any one else, 
on our blessing. Given at Westminster the 2nd 
day of December." 

On March 18 comes the cry : " Fair son, trespass 
not against our commands, for we hear much that 
you have done of things you ought not ; " and 
again in June : " Edward, fair son, you are of 
tender age : take our commandments tenderly to 
heart, and so rule your condition with humility as 
you would escape our reproach, our grief and in- 
dignation, and advance your interest and honour. 
Believe no counsel that is contrary to the will of 
your father, as the wise king Soloman instructs you. 
Understand certainly, that if you now act contrary 
to our command and continue in wilful disobedience, 
you will feel it all the days of your life, and all other 
sons will take example to be disobedient to their 
lords and fathers." 

It is difficult to understand how the boy could re- 
sist such appeals, but he took no notice. From his 



earliest childhood he could not have failed to observe 
the contempt in which his weak and foolish father 
was held by the whole Court : his allegiance too 
was unswervingly his mother's, and for years after 
this, he appears to have been curiously and abso- 
lutely ignorant of her notorious relations with 
Mortimer. She meanwhile wrote evasively to her 
husband, and caused her brother to do the same, to 
the effect that she dare not return to England, since 
she went in fear of her life from the Despensers. 
At the same time she received a deputation from 
the barons of England, instigated by a prelate of 
whom more will be heard later, Adam Orleton, 
Bishop of Hereford, imploring her to raise 1000 
men and come with them to England, when all the 
land would rise in her favour, depose the King, 
and place the Prince her son upon the throne. 
Edward's own action was as usual fatuously foolish : 
since he merely seized Mortimer's wife and three 
elder daughters and imprisoned them in different 
convents, thus quite relieving the rebel of all anxiety 
lest they might arrive in Paris and embarrass his 
more delicate affairs. 

But at last the English letters grew so urgent, 
and Isabella's own behaviour so outrageously scan- 
dalous, that even her brother felt he could counte- 
nance her proceedings no longer. In the summer of 
1326 he told her she must go ; but though she wept, 
she did not really believe that he would send her 
away. Froissart declares that the Despensers had 
bribed him to do so, but this seems hardly probable. 
Late one night, however, her cousin Robert of Artois 
(a striking and adventurous character, who for this 
service was ever after held in high friendship by 



herself and her son) came to warn her that a 
scheme was completed for removing her, the Prince 
and Mortimer by force to England the following 
day. Instantly she had her baggage packed, left 
money for the payment of bills, and hastily quitted 
the palace with her son Edward and a very few 
attendants. Mortimer also left Paris, but does not 
seem to have accompanied her, at any rate at the 

It is evident that Adam Orleton's suggestion had 
already borne fruit, and Isabella was determined 
never to return to England except at the head of 
an invading army. But where to find a sovereign 
so far friendly as to provide the necessary forces ? 
For some days she wandered almost unknown, 
probably to evade her brother's vigilance, for her 
plans were very astutely laid ; and at last she 
reached Cambray, and subsequently Ostrevant, 
where she pathetically asked shelter of a poor knight 
of Hainault, Sir Eustace d'Ambreticourt. So mov- 
ing a sight as this beautiful Queen, persecuted 
and friendless, with her noble boy, stirred the gal- 
lant hearts of Sir Eustace and his dame, and the 
royal fugitives were entertained in as lavish a man- 
ner as was possible to their host, who was himself 
an exceedingly poor man. All fell out exactly as 
Isabella had planned. Her cousin, Jeanne de 
Valois, was married to William the Good, Count of 
Hainault ; and Hainault, though a small province, 
was an enormously wealthy one. The Count and 
his wife were kindly, old-fashioned people, who 
lived a simple life at the little Court at Valenciennes 
with their son and four handsome daughters ; and 
so soon as they heard of Isabella's arrival in their 



dominions, the Count despatched his brother, Sir 
John of Hainault, a dashing and romantic young 
knight, to wait upon the English Queen and do 
what he could to serve her. Isabella received him 
seated in a room in Sir Eustace's castle, and im- 
mediately put forth all her wiles upon him, and as 
the old chronicler Barnes has it, " won him with her 
charming tears ". He worshipped her at once, and 
in the words of Froissart, exclaimed : 

" Lady, see here your knight who, though everyone 
else should forsake you, will do everything in his 
power to conduct you safely to England with your 
son, and to restore you to your rank with the assist- 
ance of your friends in those parts : and I and all 
those I can influence will risk our lives on the ad- 
venture for your sake, and you shall have a sufficient 
armed force if it please God, without fearing any 
danger from the King of France ". 

At this she rose from her seat and flung herself 
upon her knees before him, but he, raising her, ex- 
claimed : " God forbid that the Queen of England 
should do such a thing ! Madam, be of good comfort 
to yourself and your son, for I will keep my promise : 
and you shall come and see my brother and the 
Countess his wife, and all their fine children, who 
will be rejoiced to see you, for I have heard them 
say so ". 

She replied : " Sir, I find in you more kindness 
and comfort than in all the world beside ; and I 
give you five hundred thousand thanks for all you 
have promised me with so much courtesy. I and 
my son shall be for ever bound unto you, and will 
put the kingdom of England under your manage- 
ment, as in justice it ought to be." After which 
rather startling announcement she collected her 



baggage, took an affectionate leave of Sir Eustace 
and his wife, " trusting the time would come when 
she and her son could ask them to their Court," and 
set out with the Prince, Sir John, and a small fol- 
lowing to the city of Valenciennes. 




THE daughters of the Count of Hainault were named 
Margaret, Philippa, Jeanne and Isabelle, and they 
were all tall, fine, healthy, happy-looking girls, 
sensibly brought up by a sensible mother, with 
warm hearts and prudent heads. They had origin- 
ally been five, and tradition tells of the eldest 
daughter Sybella that there had been some idea of 
betrothing her to young Edward, but that she had 
died in early youth. Probably in fact the boy had 
heard little of these particular cousins until fate 
threw him thus among them for one delightful week, 
while his mother was busy planning the invasion of 
her husband's country. Although destined later to 
rank in history as a valiant and forceful personality, 
Edward's character at this time seems curiously 
colourless and disappointing. It is true he had not 
yet reached fourteen ; but in many cases this was an 
age of decision, at a period when boys and girls 
married in infancy, thirty meant advanced middle 
age, and few people lived beyond forty, so strenuous 
were their lives and so beset with danger from 
plague and war. But the boy seems to have 
followed mutely all the wishes of his mother and 
uncles, to have shown no feeling in favour of his 
father, and to have rejoiced, rather humanly, in this 
halcyon week at Valenciennes, where the pretty, 



merry cousins made much of him ; " among whom," 
says Froissart, " the young Edward devoted himself 
most and inclined with eyes of love to Philippa 
rather than the rest, and the maiden knew him best, 
and kept closer company with him than any of her 
sisters. So have I since heard from the mouth of 
the good Lady herself, who was Queen of England, 
and in whose service I dwelt." 

An extremely interesting paper, unnoticed by 
any former historian, has been pointed out by Mr. 
G. G. Coulton as inserted in the Official Register of 
Walter Stapeldon, the good Bishop of Exeter, as 
early as 1319. It is entitled " The Inspection and 
Description of the Daughter of the Count of Hai- 
nault," and a later hand has added, undated, " who 
was called Philippa, and who was Queen of England, 
wedded to Edward III ". The description is most 
minute, and runs as follows : " The lady whom we 
saw has not uncomely hair, betwixt blue-black and 
brown. Her head is clean-shaped, her forehead 
high and broad and standing somewhat forward. 
Her eyes are blackish brown and deep. Her nose 
is fairly smooth and even, save broad at the tip and 
also flattened, yet it is no snub nose. Her nostrils 
are also broad, her mouth fairly wide. Her lips 
rather full, especially the lower one. Her teeth 
which have fallen and grown again are white enough, 
the rest not so white. The lower teeth project a 
little beyond the upper, but this is little seen. Her 
eyes and chin are comely enough. Her neck, 
shoulders, and all her body and lower limbs are 
reasonably well shaped ; and all her limbs well set 
and unmaimed, and nothing amiss so far as a man 
may see. Moreover she is brown of skin all over, 
and like her father, and in all things pleasant enough, 



as it seems to us. And the damsel will be of the 
age of nine years on St. John's Day next to come, 
as her mother saith. She is neither too tall nor too 
short for her age, of fair carriage, and well taught 
in all that becometh her rank, and highly esteemed 
and well beloved of her father and mother, and of 
all her meinie in so far as we could learn the truth." 
It is still a moot point whether this description 
really applied to Philippa, or to her elder sister 
Sybella, who died before any marriage could be 
arranged ; and the responsibility really rests with 
the unknown person who added the comment to the 
title of the paper, giving the Christian name of the 
princess. If, as seems probable, this was Bishop 
Grandisson, Stapeldon's successor, and Bishop 
of Exeter from 1327 to 1369, he must certainly 
have known the truth ; but it is also quite possible 
that the words were inserted by some clerk who 
was at no pains to verify his references, and who 
took for granted that because Edward ultimately 
did marry a daughter of the Count of Hainault, 
this must necessarily apply to her. Stapeldon 
himself was murdered before Edward ever came 
to the throne. If Philippa was indeed described 
in these words, she must have been rather more 
than two years older than Edward, although she 
has been usually supposed to be a few months 
younger ; and this makes one suspect that it really 
was Sybella who was meant, as this would just 
leave room for the second sister, Margaret, to come 
between her and Philippa. Probably the princess 
herself, whichever she was, had no idea that she was 
being inspected at the time : and certainly Edward 
II, who had sent Bishop Stapeldon on this errand 
in 1319, seems for some reason to have quite given 



up the idea of the alliance afterwards, perhaps 
because of Sybella's death. He was now, as we 
have seen, anxious to arrange a marriage between 
his son and the Princess of Aragon. We may 
therefore regard Froissart as sufficiently correct in 
the roseate love-light he throws upon these radiant 
days at Valenciennes, when, threatened already 
with the storm of civil war, the young prince, who 
had hitherto endured rather a wretched and un- 
natural boyhood, torn between the rival factions 
of his parents, found now a human instinct for 
happiness awakening within him ; and revelled in 
the frank and sunny atmosphere emanating from 
Philippa, who, though a child in years, was already 
dowered with the firm sweet character destined 
later to render her the darling of the English 

There seems very little question that these two 
young people did indeed meet for the first time in 
this place and manner. Longman has doubted 
whether the Prince ever accompanied his mother to 
Hainault : but it is in the highest degree improbable 
that Isabella, who had taken such pains to gain 
possession of her son, would have allowed him to 
leave her side at so crucial a moment, when his 
presence and apparent consent alone gave weight 
to her undertaking, and induced the Hainaulters to 
form an army on her behalf. All are agreed, how- 
ever, that, although no official contract was made, 
the Queen entered into an informal agreement while 
on this visit to the effect that, should her enterprise 
prove successful, and her son be raised immediately 
to the crown of England, he should wed one of 
Count William's daughters, in return for the gener- 
ous assistance in men and money provided by that 

33 3 


Prince. More, a large portion of the dowry was 
demanded in advance, and immediately expended 
by Isabella on the necessities of her campaign ; but 
with all this Edward himself had nothing to do. 
When the day came for the expedition to leave 
Valenciennes, the Queen, says Froissart, " embraced 
all the damsels in turn, and after her the Prince of 
Wales. The Lady Philippa, when it came to her 
turn, burst into tears, and on being asked why she 
wept, said : ' Because my fair cousin of England is 
about to leave me, and I had grown so used to him '. 
Then all the knights who were there present began 
to laugh." It is evident they were in the secret, 
and knew it would not be very long before the pair 
should meet again : but Philippa guessed nothing of 
all this, and the open frankness of her disposition is 
thus early evidenced. 

Sir John of Hainault rode off with Isabella at the 
head of the two thousand odd men who had been 
provided for her, and a proud young man was he at 
being chosen knight of so beautiful and fascinating 
a Princess. " My dear lord and brother," he said to 
Count William before he went, " I am young, and 
I believe that God has inspired me with the desire 
for this enterprise for my advancement. Also I 
believe for certain that this Lady and her son have 
been driven from their kingdom wrongfully. If it 
is for the glory of God to comfort the afflicted, how 
much more is it to help and succour one who is the 
daughter of a King, descended from royal lineage, 
and to whom we ourselves are related ! " 

The combination of piety and worldly wisdom in 
this speech it would indeed be difficult to equal. 
The army was joined by Mortimer at Dort, where 
all set sail, and, after a stormy and adventurous 



voyage, reached Harwich on September 25, 1326, 
being received on landing by the Earls of Norfolk, 
Kent and Lancaster, and a large force collected 
in the Queen's favour. Everything from the first 
played into Isabella's hands. The King, never a 
man of action and now thoroughly alarmed, issued 
a proclamation proscribing all arrayed against him, 
excepting only the Queen, Prince, and Earl of Kent, 
and offering 1000 for the head of Mortimer, 
whom he rightly regarded as the real cause of the 
rebellion. The Queen instantly published a counter- 
proclamation, offering 2000 for the head of Hugh 
Despenser, and marched upon London. A sermon 
was preached before her at Oxford on the text, 
" My head, my head aketh," openly advocating that 
when the head of a State was incapable, it was time 
it should be cut off. The King placed his little son, 
John of Eltham, in the charge of his niece, whom 
he had married to young Hugh Despenser ; and 
leaving Walter Stapeldon, the faithful Bishop of 
Exeter, in command of the Tower of London, fled 
to Bristol en route for Ireland, with the two De- 
spensers, Baldock, Bishop of Norwich, and the 
Earls of Arundel and Hereford. Isabella thereupon 
turned aside from the capital and followed him ; 
but the people of London, who adored her, and 
hated the Despensers and consequently the King 
and all his adherents, immediately rose on their 
own initiative, seized good Bishop Stapeldon, cut 
off his head and sent it to the Queen at Glou- 
cester. They then stormed and took the Tower, 
Lady Despenser surrendering at once in alarm, and 
despatched Prince John and his little sisters to 
their mother, who wept with joy when she beheld 
them. The impression thus created was most 



favourable, but was not in the least impaired when, 
on arriving at Bristol, old Despenser, Sir Hugh's 
father, a man of ninety, was taken by the Queen's 
party and hanged in his armour in her presence. 
The unhappy King and his beloved Hugh, insepar- 
able to the last, escaped from the castle and hid, 
some say in a monastery, the Abbot of which be- 
trayed them, and other accounts declare they got 
off in a boat. In any case they were captured and 
taken in triumph back towards London. Despenser, 
knowing it vain to hope for mercy, refused food 
on the journey, and became so weak that, for fear 
death should release him before she had worked 
her cruel will, Isabella was forced to have him 
tried at Hereford ; where, again in her presence, he 
and the Earl of Arundel were executed under 
peculiarly horrible circumstances. 

It is almost impossible now to describe the in- 
tense hatred which the people of England at this 
time felt towards their King : not so much perhaps 
for his neglect of State affairs, since those at least 
could be attended to by his Ministers, but for the 
manner in which he made himself ridiculous and 
contemptible in the eyes of Europe. His grim old 
father had been feared, but adored ; the son was 
but an idle buffoon, weakly at the mercy of every 
tyrannical caprice of the irresponsible Despensers 
or any other favourite of the moment. When the 
charges against him came to be reckoned up, they 
were mostly frivolous ones, dancing on the table, 
dressing up dwarfs, drinking till he became maud- 
lin, acting silly parts and singing foolish songs in 
and out of season. A strong man might have done 
all these things without blame, but Edward never 
did anything else ; and the English, though an in- 



nately loyal people, will never become slaves to 
what they despise. If the King was hated, his 
favourites were loathed ; and thus the coming of 
Isabella, the beautiful and the injured, to avenge 
her people's wrongs in her own, seemed almost as 
a supernatural retribution for the humiliations under 
which they writhed. In her every move during this 
campaign, Isabella was accompanied by Mortimer, 
who, though twenty years older than herself, exer- 
cised the most extraordinary influence over her, and 
no doubt instigated most of her cruel actions. But 
even such an obsession as this will scarcely account 
for the radical change in her nature which made 
her now delight in scenes of blood and torture, 
ruthlessly gratify a wild appetite for revenge on 
all who had ever slighted her, and wring a con- 
stant agony from the husband whom she had once 
professed to love. The only possible explanation 
seems to lie in the seeds of madness inherent in her 
constitution, and one must suppose that so sudden 
and intoxicating a success after years of repression 
and humiliation had somewhat loosened her hold 
on sanity, an explanation that after circumstances 
will do much to corroborate. But a pathos sur- 
rounds misfortune which is absent from blatant 
victory, and although Isabella entered London in 
triumph, hailed deliriously as the saviour of her 
people, the glamour which even in history seems to 
veil her earlier misdeeds, drops from her here, and 
hangs instead about the forlorn and friendless figure 
of her wretched husband. 

Edward was confined in Kenilworth Castle under 
the guardianship of his cousin, the Earl of Lancaster, 
and a Parliament was called at Westminster, at 
which Archbishop Reynolds preached a sermon on 



the words " Vox populi, vox Dei," and Adam Orle- 
ton asked all present whether they would have 
father or son for their King. All but four voted for 
the son. Isabella, who was present at the sitting, 
thereupon burst into tears, more probably from ex- 
citement than emotion ; but the young Prince was 
so moved by her apparent grief that he declared 
he would never accept the Crown unless his father 
first willingly renounced it. Isabella had hardly 
intended her attitude to be taken so seriously, but 
the Prince refusing to be persuaded otherwise, a 
party of twenty-four commissioners, amongst them 
being the Bishops of Lincoln and Hereford (Adam 
Orleton), Sir William Trussel, who had tried and 
condemned the Despensers, and Henry of Leicester, 
son of the Earl of Lancaster, started for Kenilworth 
to demand from the hapless monarch his crown, 
sceptre, and other symbols of royalty. 

The commissioners were kept waiting a long 
while in the presence chamber before the King 
appeared, pale, robed in black velvet, haggard-eyed, 
and thoroughly in the picture. When his gaze fell 
upon Trussel, he sank into a swoon, from which 
two of the commissioners compassionately raised 
him ; but Orleton, devoid of pity, recited the rea- 
sons for their coming, the people's contempt and 
hatred for their unhappy sovereign, and their de- 
mand that he should at once abdicate in favour 
of his son. Since no alternative presented itself, 
the King did as he was commanded, humbly thank- 
ing the commissioners that his son had been chosen 
to succeed him : and a ceremony then took place 
which was only performed at the death of a sove- 
reign. Sir William Trussel solemnly absolved all 
present and all English subjects from their allegi- 



ance; and Sir Thomas Blunt, the High Steward, 
broke his staff of office, dismissing all the King's 
servants from his service. Thus, writes Rapin, 
" endeth the reign of Edward II in the forty-third 
year of his age, having lasted nineteen years, six 
months, and fifteen days". It was June 20, 
1327, just four months since Isabella had set out 
from Hainault with her foreign forces. 

No farther delay being necessary, Edward III 
was promptly proclaimed King, and on 1 February 
was knighted by his father's cousin, Henry, Earl 
of Lancaster, and crowned in Westminster Abbey 
by Walter Reynolds, Archbishop of Canterbury. 
A medal was struck and distributed among the 
people, having on the one side a sceptre lying on a 
heap of hearts with the motto " Populi dat jura 
voluntas" and on the other a hand stretched out to 
save a falling crown, above the words " Non rapit, 
sed accipit". Being still only fourteen, a regency 
of twelve peers and prelates was arranged for the 
King under the presidency of his uncle Thomas, 
Earl of Norfolk and Marshal of England ; but 
Isabella, Mortimer and Bishop Orleton kept com- 
mand of the military power, and practically did 
everything that pleased them. The Queen seized 
two-thirds of the revenue for her personal use, and, 
says Knyghton, " no one durst open his mouth for 
the good of the King or his realm ". Sir John of 
Hainault remained in London till Twelfth Day, 
and then returned home with a pension of 400 
marks a year, to be paid in Bruges. Queen Isa- 
bella had not been able to honour him in the 
extravagant manner she had suggested, but he 
apparently bore her no grudge, and kept his word 
to her to the letter. Nor was she sorry of a 


chance to recall him which occurred soon enough, 
when the thirteen-year truce with Scotland made 
in 1323 was broken at Easter by old Robert Bruce, 
who, though now too ill to lead an army himself, 
dispatched Douglas and Randolph with bands 
of light warriors to harass the English borders. 
Edward, if young yet to find much enjoyment in 
affairs of State, was just at an age to thrill at the 
prospect of leading an army into battle ; and 
hurried with his mother, Mortimer, and a hastily 
collected force to the scene of the fray. 

Meanwhile Philippa had dreamed of her hand- 
some cousin and prayed for his welfare ever since 
their parting in the autumn ; but she was not des- 
tined now to wait very much longer for news of him. 
For widely different reasons, both Isabella and her 
son were deeply anxious to ratify as soon as possible 
the half -made contract of marriage ; but, even so, 
the matter proved one of some tedium. According 
to Froissart, when Edward was applied to on the 
matter, " he began to laugh, and said * Yes, I am 
better pleased to marry there than elsewhere, and 
rather to Philippa, for she and I accorded excel- 
lently well together, and she wept, I know well, 
when I took leave of her at my departure'". 
Officially the young King, in his own name and 
that of his council, on March 30 dispatched an em- 
bassy consisting of Bishop Orleton, Bartholomew de 
Burghersh, Constable of Dover, and certain other 
lords to the Count of Hainault, asking formally for 
the hand of " one of his daughters " in marriage ; 
Philippa's own name not being mentioned till much 
later in the proceedings. To the ambassadors, says 
Graf ton, the Count "made marvellous great and 
costly cheere. ' Sirs,' said he, ' I thank greatly and 



most hartely the King your prince and the Queen 
his mother and all the Lordes of England, for that 
they have sent such sufficient persons as you be, to 
do me suche honour as to treate for this marriage, 
to the which request I do right well agree if our 
Holy Father the Pope will consent thereunto." 1 
The Pope's dispensation was in such cases always 
usual and often necessary; particularly so here, 
since the parties were related within the prohibited 
degrees, their respective mothers being first cousins. 
First, however, Orleton and the other ambassa- 
dors had ostensibly to choose the bride. The old 
chroniclers are quite frank as to the primary pur- 
pose for which a Queen was required, and Hard- 
yng, in his "Rhyming Chronicle," sets forth the 
whole episode rather quaintly. After Edward's 
coronation, he says, 

He sent forth then to Henauld for a wife 
A bishop and other lords temporall, 

who seem to have been allowed " in chamber privy 
and secretive " to watch the young ladies discoursing 
together " as seeming was to estate virginall " : and 
having observed them carefully, 

Emong them selfs our lordes for hie prudence 
Of the bishop asked counsaill and sentence 
Whiche daughter of five should bee the queene ; 
Who counsailled thus with sad avisement, 
" Wee will have her with good hippis, I wene, 
For she will beare good soones at myne entent " : 
To which they all accorded with one assent, 
And chase Philip that was full feminine . . . 
But then emong them selfes thai laugh fast ay, 
The lordes then said the bishop couth 
Full meikyl skyll of a woman alwaye, 
That so coulth chese a lady that was uncouth, 
And for ye very wordes that came out of his mouth. 



Uncouth in this instance evidently stands for 
undeveloped : but some years later, speaking of the 
family of Edward and Philippa, the same writer 
declares : 

There was no king Christen had such sonnes five, 
Of lyklynesse and persones that time alive : 
So hygh and large they were of all stature, 
The leste of them was of persone able 
To have foughten with any creature 
Singler batayle in actes marcyable : 
The bishop's wit me thinketh was comendable, 
So wel coulde chese the princesse yt them bare. 

It seems evident that Hardyng has mixed up this 
visit of Bishop Orleton in his narrative with the 
much earlier one of Bishop Stapeldon : the bishop's 
name it will be observed is nowhere mentioned, 
and he speaks of choosing one daughter of five, 
which has led some people to suppose that the 
whole relates to the first occasion. But the direct 
statement that " He sent forth then to Henauld for 
a wife," determines that it took place in the young 
King's own reign, and that it must certainly refer 
to Orleton's own inspection. It does not appear, 
however, that there was really much choice for the 
Bishop of Hereford to exercise. Count William's 
eldest daughter Margaret was already betrothed to 
Lewis of Bavaria, Emperor of the Romans, whom 
she shortly afterwards married, so Philippa fell 
naturally to the King of England's share : but it is 
possible that Orleton had received private advice 
from the young lover as to his real intention. In 
any case the matter was arranged according to 
Edward's wish, although he seems to have found it 
politic to write to Sir John of Hainault at this time, 
requesting his furtherance of the suit and assuring 



him that " he should love his niece more than any 
lady in the world on his account ". 

From Valenciennes the English embassy travelled 
to Avignon in the middle of July, not only to ask 
the Pope's blessing on the proposed alliance, but 
also to explain and excuse the late violent proceed- 
ings in England. At first His Holiness John XXII 
would listen to no excuses, and at once dispatched 
Burghersh back to Edward flatly refusing the de- 
sired dispensation ; but Adam Orleton remained 
at Avignon, and he had always been a favourite 
with the Pope. On August 15 the young King 
himself wrote from York, praying the Holy Father 
to favour his marriage with "a daughter of that 
nobleman, William, Count of Hainault, Holland 
and Zeeland, and lord of Friesland " : and on 
the 30th Orleton won consent. On September 3 
Philippa's name appears for the first time in an 
official instrument relating to the marriage, and 
from henceforth busy preparations went on at Val- 
enciennes in connexion with the bride's apparel, 
jewels, future household, and all the excitements 
of a wedding. On his part, Edward sent frequent 
messengers, as recorded in the Issues of the Ex- 
chequer, " to hasten this much spoken-of marriage ". 

On September 22, Edward II, the "Father 
of the King," as he is known in all state papers 
of the period, breathed his last at Berkeley Castle. 
The villagers near heard the air ring that night 
with blood-curdling shrieks, " so that they crossed 
themselves and prayed hartely to God to receive 
his soul, for they understood by those cries what 
the matter meant ". This unfortunate Prince, whose 
every fault must be forgiven in the tragic horror 
of his death, was murdered by the orders of Mor- 



timer and Isabella in a peculiarly cruel manner 
in order that no outward marks of violence might 
appear upon his body, and it was given out that he 
had died from natural causes. The young King 
was told so, and since he trusted his mother im- 
plicitly, saw no reason to doubt the fact. He had 
been taught no sentiment but contempt for his 
father, and the affair therefore disturbed him but 
very little. He was not yet fifteen, and his mind 
was full of his approaching wedding, and of the 
first excitement of battle against the Scots : perhaps 
therefore one should hardly blame him too severely 
for not insisting upon immediate inquiries into the 
matter. It should also be remembered that he was 
still not his own master, and that, however much 
he had wished it, Isabella, Mortimer and Orleton 
would never have permitted any investigation : but 
as a matter of fact, he seems to have been easily 
satisfied. The murderers were well rewarded, and 
disappeared over seas : the unhappy victim found 
royal burial in the cathedral at Gloucester, and for 
the time being seemed utterly forgotten. 




EARLY in October, Edward dispatched Roger de 
Northborough, Bishop of Lichfield, to Valenciennes 
to perform the preliminary proxy marriage between 
himself and Philippa, and to declare the dower he 
meant to settle upon her : and on November 20 he 
writes from Nottingham to Bartholomew, Lord 
Burghersh, Constable of Dover, and William de 
Clynton, Earl of Huntingdon, to " receive and wel- 
come into the kingdom that noble person William, 
count of Hainault, with the illustrious damsel 
Philippa, his daughter, and the familiars of the said 
count and damsel : and the King charges all and sin- 
gular his nobility and people of the counties through 
which the count, damsel, and familiars may pass, 
to do them honour and give them dutiful aid." 

The Count of Hainault did not, however, himself 
accompany his daughter, who parted (no doubt 
with some grief, for the family was a very attached 
one) from all her relatives at Valenciennes : and pro- 
ceeded to Wissant, where, with a large following of 
knights, squires and ladies of her own nationality, 
she embarked for Dover. Here the fourteen-year- 
old Princess was met by her anglicised uncle, 
Sir John of Hainault, with whom she travelled to 
London, stopping at Canterbury on the way to make 
an offering at the shrine of St. Thomas a Becket : 



and reaching the capital on December 24. Edward 
was still in the north, whither she must immediately 
follow him, for he grew impatient for her coming ; 
but three days were spent in London, where the 
young Queen kept her Christmas, was escorted 
into the City by a great procession of clergy, and 
presented by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of 
the City with a magnificent service of plate to the 
value of 300 marks. The marriage was an exceed- 
ingly popular one ; and the Count of Hainault's 
daughter would in any case have been received 
with cordial rejoicings, for a most advantageous 
treaty of commerce had been concluded during the 
summer between England and the Low Countries 
(at this time the most wealthy States in Europe), 
which it was hoped would bring much money 
into England ; for the exchequer stood at a very 
low ebb in consequence of the civil and Scottish 
wars. But Philippa herself seems also to have con- 
quered all hearts so soon as she was seen. She 
had not the s extraordinary if sinister beauty of 
Queen Isabella ; but her bright and fearless face, 
tall, noble figure, and kind and radiant smile awoke 
an absolute enthusiasm, as genuine as it was unex- 
pected, among her new people. She looked frank 
and true, and the English loved her for it. For 
three weeks rejoicings were carried on with the 
greatest excitement in the capital, but Philippa 
herself left on December 27, and proceeded north 
under the escort of the King's second cousin, John 
Bohun, Earl of Hereford and Essex and Lord High 
Constable of England. 

New Year's Day, 1328, was spent at Peter- 
borough Abbey, on leaving which an unfortunate in- 
cident occurred, which must have annoyed Philippa 



a good deal. Just as the party was starting a little 
boy, Godfrey de la Marck, living under the protec- 
tion of the Abbot of Peterborough, was seized by 
Hereford, who claimed him as the son of a vassal, 
and succeeded in carrying him off in spite of what 
was almost a riot amongst the monks. From 
Peterborough to York all but a month was spent 
upon the road, for the winter was a severe one, the 
roads very bad, and the cavalcade loaded with 
heavy and unwieldy baggage. But at last the jour- 
ney ended, York was reached, and " All the lords 
of England," says Froissart, " who were in the city 
came forth in fair array to meet her, and with them 
the young King, mounted on an excellently-paced 
hackney, magnificently clad and arrayed, and he 
took her by the hand, and then embraced and 
kissed her, and so riding side by side with great 
plenty of minstrelsy and honours, they entered the 
city and came to the Queen's lodgings. So there 
young King Edward wed Philippa of Hainault in 
the cathedral church of St. William." 

Had Philippa not been the daughter of a rich 
man, her wedding would have been a very quiet 
and even shabby affair, for Edward III remained 
poor all his life, and indeed all the Plantagenets 
were recklessly extravagant and consequently for 
ever pressed for money. Philippa's own dowry, as 
has been explained, had been seized in advance by 
the Queen-Mother, and already spent on the ex- 
penses of her campaign against her husband. The 
Scotch wars too had been very costly and by no 
means too successful ; Edward himself possessed 
no experience in generalship, and Mortimer, who 
really conducted them, though a bold soldier, was 
anything but a wise leader. His methods were 



violent and unintelligent ; the cause besides was 
nothing to him, and being now weary of it, condi- 
tions of a hastily patched-up peace stood already 
under consideration. Thus, although the entire 
nobility of England was gathered in York, where 
also Parliament met, very little luxury or display 
was possible, and some of the sternest hardships 
of a campaign were experienced. Count William 
however had sent with his daughter and her train 
bales of rich stuffs and handsome hangings, to- 
gether with many fine jewels, so that on the whole 
the Court made a brave show when on that winter's 
day bride and groom at last plighted their troth to 
one another before the high altar in the great new 
minster, barely a hundred years old, at York. 

Additional brilliance was lent to the ceremony 
by the presence of a hundred Scotch lords who 
had just arrived to negotiate the promised peace. 
This, afterwards known as the " Shameful Peace," 
was concluded entirely against the will of the 
English people on March 17. By its conditions, 
David Bruce was to marry the King's sister Joan, 
the Scots were to pay 20,000 in three yearly in- 
stalments, and England to restore the crown 
jewels of Scotland, "Kagmans Roll," and the 
Scone coronation stone, all of which had been 
carried away to London in triumph in the reign of 
Edward I. These terms were arranged by Morti- 
mer, who promptly took possession of the 20,000 ; 
but the citizens of London absolutely refused to 
let the coronation stone go, and raised a riot 
around Westminster, which was pacified with diffi- 
culty, and the stone remained in its place. 

After Easter the King and Queen, with the 
Queen-Mother and the whole Court, travelled 


slowly south, stopping at Lincoln, Northampton, 
and other places on the way. On April 9, at 
Stamford, one notes in the Collection of Patent 
Rolls, the first mention of Philippa other than 
those purely official ones in connexion with her 
marriage settlements. " Pardon," it records, " in 
consideration of her tender age, and at the request 
of Queen Philippa, to Agnes, daughter of Alice de 
Penrith, appealed before the stewards and marshals 
of the household, for robbery at Bishoppesthorpe, 
York, and convicted : but being under eleven years 
of age, committed to the prison of the Marshalsea 
till of age to undergo judgment." Henceforth, 
through all the years of Philippa's life, many similar 
entries occur, and almost always it was in favour 
of her own sex that the young Queen's mercy was 
extended. On May 15, at Northampton, Edward 
bound himself to assign lands for the dowry of his 
wife within one year, and in the meanwhile exe- 
cuted a deed conferring 15,000 a year in property 
upon her. The old Saxon stronghold of Kynge- 
borough in the Isle of Sheppey formed a part of 
these lands, and later Edward rebuilt the castle 
and named it Queenborough in honour of his wife, 
thus rendering it a convenient spot whence she 
might set out when she wished to revisit her native 
country. In June the young pair reached Wood- 
stock near Oxford, where they were to spend the 
chief part of their first few years of married life. 

There had been a royal palace at Woodstock 
since the days of Ethelred in 866 : mention is made 
of it in Doomsday Book : Henry II greatly enlarged 
it and built a high wall round the park, ostensibly 
because he kept a menagerie there, but more 
probably for the convenience of Fair Kosamond de 

49 4 


Clifford. Vestiges of the palace remained till Sarah 
Jennings, Duchess of Marlborough, used the old 
stones for the building of Blenheim, and left not 
a ruin to mark the spot : but in Philippa's day it 
was a gay and charming place, not so splendid as 
Windsor, but rural and beautiful : and there is no 
doubt that she was exceedingly happy there, and 
always after regarded it as her true home in England. 
Chaucer, loving it well, writes of 

The maple that is fair and green 

Before the chamber windows of the queen 

At Woodstock : 

and though Chaucer was not born till some few 
years after this, there is no reason to suppose that 
the outlook of the palace had very greatly changed. 
It was now time to settle the young Queen's 
household, and she must at last bid farewell to all 
but a very few of her Flemish attendants, who re- 
turned to Hainault in the train of Sir John, once 
more loaded with presents and gratitude by his 
English friends. One of the few countrymen she 
was permitted to retain was a young squire named 
Wantelet de Maunay, formerly a page at Valen- 
ciennes, whose duty it was to carve at her table, 
and who afterwards became known to much fame 
as Sir Walter Manny, one of the earliest Knights 
of the Garter, and a pattern of chivalry throughout 
all Europe. Of her English household we know 
little, but the names of Emma Priour, Amicia or 
Amy de Gaveston, Elena de Maule, Joan de Carru, 
and Mabel Fitz-Waryne, damsels of the chamber 
to Queen Philippa, appear very shortly in the Patent 
Rolls as the recipients of various grants of lands in 
kindly consideration of their services, so we may 



suppose these were most probably about her when 
she first took up her residence at Woodstock. In 
her desire to do good, Philippa seems at first, 
naturally perhaps, to have made certain mistakes, 
and a most pathetic letter may be found in the 
Official Register of the Diocese of Exeter, written 
in this year, " To the Lady Queen of England from 
the Prioress and Convent of Polslo ". 

" To the very honourable, powerful, and redoubt- 
able Lady, my Lady Dame Phelipe, by the grace 
of God Queen of England, etc., her poor and 
humble servants the nuns of Polslo with all rever- 
ence and honour implore your sweet pity and mercy 
in our great poverty. Very noble Lady, we have 
received the letters by which we understand it is 
your will that we should receive Johanna de Tour- 
bevyle among us as a Sister of our House to take 
the costume of a nun of the secular habit. In 
which thing, very debonaire Lady, for the love of 
God and his Mother, have pity on us if it places 
you. For certainly no Queen has asked such a 
thing of our little House before : and if it may 
please your debonaire Highness to know of our 
simple state, we are so poor, as God and every- 
body knows, that what we have would not suffice 
for our little necessities in performing the service 
of God day and night, if by the aid of our friends 
we were charged with seculars without lessening 
the number of our Religious, thus to the belittling 
of the service of God and to the perpetual prejudice 
of our poor House. And we firmly hope in God 
and in your great goodness that you will not take 
this thing ill and imperil our souls, for to command 
so novel a charge in so small a space, which would 
afterwards be demanded of us everyday, would 

51 i 


also put in great peril your soul, my Lady before 
God, may His grace defend you ! Our very blessed 
Lady, God give you good life and a long and plea- 
sant one, and aid us and all poor servants of God 
on earth ; and we shall have great joy in fulfilling 
your commands, if God will give us the power." 

It is somewhat difficult to gather what were 
Philippa's relations with her mother-in-law. From 
the first she seems to have seen very little of her ; 
and this although Edward was still quite undeceived 
in his mother's character, and this very year at her 
wish created Mortimer Earl of March at the same 
time as he made his brother John Earl of Cornwall. 
Perhaps Isabella regarded Philippa merely as a 
pawn in the game, and having secured the match, 
took no further notice of her ; or it may be that 
Philippa, young as she was, recognized instinctively 
the warped and unnatural character of Isabella, and 
shrank from any close association. Certainly no 
two women could have been more unlike ; but at 
least husband and wife seem to have been radiantly 
happy together. 

But Philippa was no pawn, and others recognized 
it, however wilfully Isabella might blind herself to 
facts. In the summer of 1328, the young Queen, 
who from an inconsiderable position as younger 
member of a large family had now risen to one of 
European importance, received two letters from the 
Pope, congratulating her upon her marriage, ex- 
horting her to fulfil the duties of her new position, 
to love her husband and assist him in defending the 
rights and liberties of the Church, to protect the 
poor, be fervent in good works, and always to apply 
to himself when in any trouble or perplexity. She 
seems soon to have risen to high favour with the 



Holy Father, who a few months later granted her 
several small indulgences, such as that she might 
have a portable altar in her rooms, that Mass might 
be said for her before daylight, that she might enter 
religious houses of women with full retinue, that 
her confessor might also hear the confessions of 
her household, and give her plenary absolution in 
case of sudden death, and that religious dining at 
her table might eat flesh on free days. She also 
obtained absolution for one William Cosin, who, 
when a little boy, had been much teased and tor- 
mented by a certain holy clerk whom he, boy-like, 
had in return struck and kicked, and even once, 
when the clerk would not let him go, had stuck a 
pen-knife in his leg. Not knowing that this spelt 
excommunication, Cosin had later become an aco- 
lyte and a subdeacon of Exeter, and for seven and 
a half months held a benefice of the value of one 
mark, before the enormity of his early indiscretion 
had been made manifest to him. In return for all 
these favours the Pope begged the Queen to induce 
her husband to make restitution to the Hospitallers 
of some property confiscated from the Templars ; 
and in general to use her influence for the advan- 
tage of the Church. 

In July part of the Court must needs travel to 
Berwick once more in order ostensibly to rejoice 
at the infamous marriage of poor little seven-year 
old Princess Joan of the Tower to the son, two 
years younger, of old Robert Bruce. David was an 
ugly little boy, with a feeble constitution and un- 
pleasant manners ; his father lay dying of a loath- 
some disease which it was more than likely he 
would inherit ; and there could never have been 
the slightest hope that Joan was destined to any- 



thing but a sad and miserable life. The Scots 
themselves in mockery nicknamed her "Joan 
Makepeace ". Edward could not altogether forbid 
the marriage, since the treaty had been made in 
his name ; but it did not please him, and he refused 
to attend it, although his mother had arranged a 
" spear-fight " for the occasion on purpose to gratify 
him. She, however, with her two daughters, Prince 
John, and Mortimer, travelled north ; and on 17 
July the marriage service was read over the chil- 
dren, and Isabella without a pang left her youngest 
daughter amongst the rough wild Northerners 
merely because she and Mortimer were tired of the 
war and ready to sacrifice the honour of England 
and the happiness of hearts for the sake of a few 
poor thousand pounds. The temper of the people 
of England, however, was gradually but surely 
changing towards Isabella. Her husband's death 
and the rumours in connexion with it, more especi- 
ally the fact that of late miracles had been said to 
have been been worked at his tomb, thereby prov- 
ing him a martyr, caused much shaking of heads ; 
and the unhappy woman's absolute infatuation for 
Mortimer, with the more than unseemly incidents 
it called forth, when added to the highly unpopular 
conditions of the Shameful Peace, rendered her 
anything but the idolised Queen of a few years 
before. Edward's favourites had been hard to 
bear, but Isabella's favourite, men felt, would 
shortly become unbearable ; and yet his power was 
still so great that it became difficult to put any 
check upon it. The Earls of Norfolk, Kent and Lan- 
caster, once all devoted adherents, now seldom ap- 
peared at Court, and it was an open secret that they 
gravely disapproved of much that obtained there. 



The autumn and winter of 1328 passed thus 
politically in a state of tension. Every one felt that 
matters could not long remain as they were, and 
the least movement from any party awoke distrust. 
Mortimer blustered about at the head of an army, 
threatened Parliament wherever it sat, which was 
in any city where the King happened to be, and 
affected the most insufferable airs of guardianship 
over Edward himself. He kept a retinue of 180 
knights, besides squires and pages, greater than 
that of royalty, and walked in public by the King's 
side " step by step and cheek by cheek ". On one 
occasion he summoned all nobles of the realm to 
a Parliament at New Sarum ; but Norfolk, Kent 
and Lancaster, warned in time that evil was in- 
tended them, stopped at Winchester and did not 
attend it. Mortimer was furious, burst in upon 
the Parliament as it sat, dictated his will to it, 
with threats if that should be disputed ; and com- 
manded the young King and Queen to proceed at 
once with him to Winchester. The barons of 
England felt it time to make a stand, and with 
the three royal Earls at their head, formed a con- 
federacy against the rapacious Earl of March ; but 
all were timid of bearing the chief brunt of his 
fury. Lancaster, however, took the lead, and issued 
a manifesto of eight articles against Mortimer, all 
of which he would have found it difficult if not 
impossible to answer before a Court of Justice. 
Isabella thereupon threw herself weeping into her 
son's arms, and assured him that Lancaster was an 
enemy and meant her evil by these false and cruel 
accusations. Edward believed her implicitly, gave 
full vent to his always fiery temper, and it was with 
difficulty the Archbishop of Canterbury made peace 



between the cousins. The manifesto was with- 

The Queen-Mother and her favourite could now 
no longer be unaware of the general distrust with 
which they were regarded. They cared little for 
the people ; but the nobles, if banded together, 
might prove dangerous, especially with the leader- 
ship of the royal Earls ; these therefore they de- 
cided to remove. Norfolk was a cautious man, and 
interfered little with political affairs ; it would not 
be easy to fix an accusation upon him ; Lancaster 
had already received a check ; and Kent seemed 
for the moment the most suitable subject upon 
which to deal vengeance. Kent was of a kindly, 
simple nature, generous and warm-hearted ; he had 
not else so blindly espoused his sister-in-law's 
cause when he believed her wronged and insulted ; 
and these same qualities now made him a prey 
to remorse and uneasy suspicions concerning the 
manner of his brother's death. He, with all the 
rest of England, had not actually known the truth ; 
and now already whispers were abroad that the 
late King had not died at all, but remained a close 
prisoner in Corfe Castle. Kent inquired eagerly 
into this story, and Isabella and Mortimer heard of 
it, and with devilish ingenuity set themselves to 
work upon the unhappy man's credulity. A friar 
told him that he had positively seen the former 
King from a distance ; and Kent went straight to 
the Governor and demanded speech with his 
brother. The Governor assured him this was im- 
possible, though without denying Edward's pres- 
ence there, and even consenting to smuggle a letter 
through to him if the Earl wished. Kent, now 
deeply repentant of the part he had formerly 



played, seized the opportunity and wrote with warm 
affection. The letter was at once delivered up to 
Mortimer, and the writer arrested as a conspirator 
against the King, and condemned to death. 

All the nobles were indignant, but none dared 
interfere. The execution was fixed for March 13 
at Winchester, but " all the day," says Walsingham, 
" the King was so beset with the Queen his mother 
and the Earl of March that it was impossible for 
him to make any efforts to preserve his uncle from 
the cruel fate to which he had been so unjustly 
doomed ". Yet sympathy was wide and universal. 
During the night before, the very executioner fled 
away, resolved that no power on earth should force 
him to perform his office on so beloved and un- 
justly condemned a man. Nevertheless the Earl 
was brought out on to the scaffold at twelve o'clock, 
and there he remained till five in the afternoon, 
when a criminal from the Marshalsea Prison was at 
last persuaded to slay him on condition of receiving 
a free pardon for himself. Kent was only twenty- 
seven when he died, " wise, affable, and beloved," says 
Froissart ; and he left a widow, two sons and two 
daughters, but all his estates were confiscated and 
immediately grabbed by Mortimer. They were, it 
is true, restored at the fall of the latter ; but two 
of the children only grew up, one of these being 
Joan, known as the Fair Maid of Kent, the most 
beautiful woman of her time, and ultimately the 
wife of Queen Philippa's first-born son. 

Neither Isabella nor Mortimer did themselves 
any good by this dastardly business : a rule based 
on fear is the most precarious of all rules. But un- 
doubtedly Isabella was at this time scarcely sane, 
and therefore hardly to be held responsible for all 



her outrageous acts. The same excuse can certainly 
not be urged for Mortimer, a coarse, crude creature, 
whose ambition overleapt all bounds, until his own 
son termed him the very King of Folly. Of his 
wife and seven daughters little is heard in history, 
but the four sons each held some small place at 
Court, and seem to have been quiet, simple gentle- 
men, with little anxiety to emulate their father's 

A small cloud of quarrel now rose above the 
horizon, destined after some delay to develop into 
the greatest storm of war England has ever known, 
war that endured a hundred years, devastated the 
fair face of France, engulfed thousands of gallant 
knights and sturdy soldiers, and rendered desolate 
many a happy English home. The cause of it arose 
thus. Almost immediately after the marriage of 
Edward and Philippa, Charles of France, the last 
remaining brother of Queen Isabella, died, leaving 
no male issue ; and his cousin Philip of Valois, 
brother of Queen Philippa's mother, was hailed as 
the rightful King and accepted by the French peo- 
ple. Had Isabella been a man, the Crown would 
of course have fallen to her, but in consequence of 
the Salic Law, by which no woman could sit the 
throne of France, she was naturally passed over. 
Many people, however, including Edward himself, 
held that though she could not herself reign, she 
could transmit her rights to her eldest son, and that 
he, Edward, held the chief claim to the Crown. 
Isabella, urged by Mortimer, was strongly against 
the idea of her son putting forth this claim, not 
because she thought it a poor one, since, though it 
may appear extremely flimsy to us, at the time 
it was regarded as quite seriously founded ; but 



rather because it would certainly lead to a long 
and wearisome war, with which neither she nor her 
lover wished to be troubled. For the second time 
Edward's growing will stood opposed to that of his 
mother, and for the second time he yielded, but with 
increasing impatience. Philip of Valois ascended 
the throne of France without protest ; ( but acqui- 
escence was not all that was required. 

At the beginning of a new reign it was necessary 
that all vassals of the Crown should appear in 
person, and do homage for the lands they held. 
Edward was requested to repair to France in re- 
presentation of his provinces of Ponthieu and 
Guienne, but the requirement was highly distaste- 
ful to him, and he took no notice of the summons. 
In the end of February, 1329, Philip sent two lords 
and two lawyers to repeat the request. They 
landed at Dover, and rode straight to Windsor, 
where the King received them graciously, enter- 
tained them to dinner, and told them he could give 
no official answer without consulting his Parliament. 
They therefore slept that night at Colnbrooke, and 
went next day to London, whither Edward followed 
them ; and Parliament was summoned. Unless 
Philip's right to the Crown were to be called in 
question, there could be no doubt that Edward 
must go ; and on May 26 he set out for France. 
The ceremony of homage was performed at Amiens, 
and the scene must have been a remarkably striking 
one. Philip of France sat on his throne, crowned 
and sceptred, robed in blue velvet powdered with 
gold fleur-de-lis ; and Edward of England stood be- 
fore him in crimson velvet embroidered with gold 
leopards, wearing his crown, sword and golden 
spurs. Objection was raised that this should be a 



" liege homage," to be performed bare-headed and 
with ungirt sword ; but Edward stoutly contended 
that it was but a general homage ; and was at last 
permitted to proceed according to his will, on the 
understanding that if, when he returned home, he 
should discover himself to have been wrong by pre- 
cedent, he would admit the same in writing. This 
he afterwards did. 

The Bishop of Lincoln then protested on Edward's 
behalf that " Whatever the King of England or any- 
body for him might do, he (the King) did not in- 
tend to renounce any right he had or ought to have 
in the Duchy of Guienne or in its belongings, and 
that by his acts the King of France did not acquire 
any new rights ". After this the Chamberlain of 
France, the Vicomte de Melun, announced : " Sire ! 
You become the man of the King of France my 
Lord, in respect of the Duchy of Guienne and its 
belongings, which you acknowledge to hold of him, 
as Duke of Guienne and Peer of France, according 
to the forms of peace made by your ancestors and 
those of the King of France, in the same manner 
as your ancestors the Kings of England and Dukes 
of Guienne have done for the said Duchy to pre- 
vious Kings of France ". 

To this Edward replied " Voire ". (Truly.) The 
Chamberlain then, speaking for Philip, said : " The 
King of France, our Lord, receives you, save and 
except his protestations". Edward again replied 
" Voire " : put his hands between Philip's, kissed 
the French King on the mouth, and the affair 
was over. 

If he had originally been reluctant to go to 
France, the young King of England thoroughly 
enjoyed his stay, once his disagreeable duty had 


been performed ; and he returned home on June 
11, full of delight at all he had seen and done, 
and eager to arrange a double marriage between 
his brother and sister, John and Eleanor, and the 
son and daughter of King Philip. In this he did 
not succeed, but for the time at least the threaten- 
ing cloud of war bade fair to fade away. Philip 
had also suggested that they two should lead a 
crusade against the Saracens in the Holy Land or 
the Moors in Spain, and Edward was eager to 
agree ; but Parliament rather wisely persuaded 
him to postpone the project for three years. 
Philippa was at Windsor Castle when her husband 
returned, and he hurried straight thither to join 
her and give her news of her French relatives ; but 
a sudden and decided change had appeared in his 
manner towards his mother. He treated her dis- 
tantly and with restraint ; and she noted it with a 
sinking soul. Writing to a friend not long after, 
she admits herself "in great trouble of heart". 
Edward was nearing his majority, and should she 
lose her hold over him, the world would go but ill 
with her. Few believed in her now, she ruled only 
by fear ; but her son had hitherto been positively 
bewitched into belief of all she told him, and it 
was plain that such a state of things could con- 
tinue little longer. 

Edward had indeed learned much while in 
France concerning his mother's true character ; 
much that seemed the commonest of talk, and 
that, while meeting it with a violent scorn and 
denial, his inmost soul told him with a shudder- 
ing horror, might, nay almost must, be true. Not 
yet indeed would he wholly believe, but his old 
childish faith in her was swept utterly away, 



and from that time forth Mortimer at least was 

Note. An extremely interesting discovery among the Papers 
in the Vatican is just reported as this book goes to press. It 
concerns a letter from Edward to Pope John XXII of about this 
date, and contains the words " Pater Sancte " in the King's own 
handwriting his only known autograph. He explains that he 
has written these words himself and will do so again in any 
further document where necessary, that the Holy Father may 
know by this sign that he is really anxious to have the requests 
contained in any such letter granted. The incident throws 
much light upon the suspicions thus suddenly aroused in his 
mind at the time, and the necessity for arranging some private 
code of signals with the Holy See in the event of his mother 
and Mortimer forwarding petitions in his name and without his 



FOR the first two or three years of her married life, 
Philippa lived so quietly that, overshadowed by the 
more dominant personality of Isabella, her name 
seldom appears in history, and then chiefly in con- 
nexion with her very tardily paid dowry. In the 
Calendar of Patent Rolls occasionally occur such 
entries as : " 16th April 1329, Wallingford. Grant 
to Queen Philippa of a yearly sum of 1000 marks 
out of the Exchequer towards the expenses of her 
chamber, till some better provision be made for her 
estate". "12th February 1330, Tower of London. 
Grant to Queen Philippa of the castle, honour 
and borough of Pontefract, co. York, and of lands 
in Glamorgan and Morgannon in Wales and the 
marches of Wales, with castles, towns, manors, and 
other appurtenances in satisfaction of the dowry of 
3000 of land and rent granted her at the time of 
her betrothal." " 12th April, Woodstock. Grant 
for life to Queen Philippa of the manor of Light- 
burgh, with knights fees, advowsons, and all other 
things pertaining to the same, in augmentation 
of her dowry." The full dower, however, was 
not settled upon her till January 1, 1331, exactly 
three years after her marriage, and she only got it 
then because such matters were by that time taken 
out of the hands of Mortimer and the Queen- 



Mother. In the meanwhile great credit is due to 
her patience and sweet temper in that she bore this 
equivocal position without complaint, and devoted 
herself to soothing Edward's occasional violent 
bursts of Plantagenet temper rather than, as many 
princesses of her day would have done, inciting him 
to urgent measures on her behalf. 

Philippa had been married two years before she 
was crowned, but on February 28, 1330, Edward 
writes from Eltham, where he was then stopping, 
to bid " his beloved and faithful Bartholomew de 
Burgh ersh to appear with his barons of the Cinque 
Ports, to do their customary duties at the corona- 
tion of his dearest Queen Philippa, which takes 
place, if God be propitious, the Sunday next to the 
Feast of St. Peter, in the cathedral of Westminster ". 
Similar letters were addressed to all lords, spiritual 
and temporal, throughout the kingdom, and the 
larger part of them obeyed at once. Some 
could not come, however ; and Bishop Grandisson's 
answer, begging the King to excuse him, may still 
be read in the archives of Exeter. 

" Very high, redoubtable, and noble Prince, and 
our very honoured Lord," it runs; "May it please 
you to understand that we received your letters at 
our Manor of Chuddeleghe by the hand of Robert 
Blakherl, on Sunday the llth day of the month of 
February. In the which you have commanded us 
to be at London on Sunday next, at the Coronation 
of your very dear Lady, Lady Philippa, Queen of 
England, your consort. The which thing we should 
have been glad to do if there had been sufficient 
time, for it would have been a great honour for us. 
But, since this is impossible to us, for the shortness 
of time and because the road is so long and so heavy, 



we beg you, very dear Lord, you will by this accept 
our excuses, etc." 

On March 4, Quinquagesima Sunday, the coro- 
nation took place. It seems to have been abridged 
as much as possible, since the young Queen was 
shortly expected to give birth to an heir to the 
throne, but for that very reason, her popularity was 
greater than ever before. Directly after the cere- 
mony, she returned to her beloved Woodstock, 
whither the King accompanied her, and would not 
leave her all that spring. Parliament sat at Wood- 
stock, and from there the King wrote shortly after- 
wards to his treasurer that " his faithful and beloved 
Robert de Vere, being Earl of Oxford, was heredi- 
tary chamberlain to the Queens of England : that at 
all coronations the ancestors of the Earl had 
officiated in the same capacity, and that in conse- 
quence he claimed the bed in which the Queen had 
slept, her shoes, and three silver basins, one in 
which she washed her head and two others in which 
she washed her hands. And the King desires that 
the Earl may freely receive the basins and shoes, 
but as for the bed, the treasurer is to pay the Earl- 
chamberlain 100 marks as compensation for his 
claim thereon." 

Philippa wrote much and eagerly to her mother 
and sisters at this time, nor was she by any means 
forgotten by them. Her sister Margaret was 
married to the Emperor Lewis of Bavaria by now, 
and her younger sister Jeanne to the Count, after- 
wards Marquis, of Juliers, so Isabella was the 
only Hainault Princess left at Valenciennes. On 
May 10 this year we find entered in the Patent 
Rolls on Edward's behalf a " Promise to pay at 
midsummer to Dinus Forsetti and Bartholomew de 

65 5 

Barde and other merchants of the society of the 
Bardi of Florence, 45 marks, being 25 marks paid 
by them at the King's command to Colard Malaysel, 
yeoman of the Countess of Juliers, sister of Queen 
Philippa, for bringing news to the said Queen of a 
child to the Countess," etc. 

Philippa's own child was born at Woodstock 
at ten o'clock in the morning on June 15, and 
proved a splendid boy, huge in frame, with limbs 
whose firmness made all the old wives wonder, and 
features fulfilling all the finest Plantagenet tradi- 
tions. England was wild with joy from King to 
peasant. Thomas Priour, the Queen's valet and 
the messenger who brought the news to Edward, 
was granted a reward of forty marks a year for 
life ; and handsome gifts were also made to Matilda 
de Plympton, the baby's bersatrix or cradle-rocker, 
Joan of Oxenford, his nurse, and to the Queen's 
nurse, the Lady Katherine Haryngton, daughter of 
Sir Adam Banaster of Shevington, Lanes, and wife 
of Sir John Haryngton of Farleton in the same 
county. The state cradle was exceedingly magnifi- 
cent, and was ornamented with paintings of the 
four evangelists, while beside it lay the pallet bed 
for the bersatrix, who was therefore ready to per- 
form her duty at any hour of the day or night. 
The Pope wrote to congratulate Philippa, who, just 
sixteen, made a rapid recovery, and insisted upon 
nursing her child herself ; the two forming a favour- 
ite model for Virgin and Child to every English and 
Flemish artist and sculptor for many years to come. 
Edward's delight in his son knew no bounds ; the 
child was named after him, flourished and grew 
rapidly, and was the idol of the populace from the 
moment of his birth to the time when, as the " Black 



Prince," he became the leader and the pride of all 
continental chivalry. 

But while Philippa dreamed happy dreams over 
her baby at Woodstock, Edward, now himself a 
father and waking fully to his responsibilities as 
King of the realm, saw grim work before him ; 
work too that, hateful as it was, must meet no 
shirking. The rule of Mortimer had become too 
abominable to be borne ; the most scandalous tales 
were rife concerning him and Isabella ; and both 
as a son and a sovereign the hour had struck for 
Edward to assert himself and take up the reins of 
government. This, however, was not easily to be 
accomplished ; and the young King of England 
found it necessary practically to conspire against his 
turbulent subject. A favourite friend of his own 
age, William, Lord Montacute, was honoured with 
his confidence, and promised to assist him. Towards 
the end of October, a Parliament was called at 
Nottingham, whither the Court and all the nobles 
repaired. The King himself had intended with all 
his train to lie at Nottingham Castle, but found his 
mother and Mortimer had already taken possession 
of the fortress and, though he was admitted, there 
was only room for three of his servants, while all 
the rest were obliged to go elsewhere. The Earl of 
Lancaster, now an elderly man and almost blind, 
had fixed his lodging close to the Castle, but Morti- 
mer, fearing a spy, rudely shouted out at him " Who 
made him so bold as to take up his lodgings close 
to the Queen ? " and bade him go a mile outside 
the town. The Castle was locked every night, and 
the keys brought to Isabella, who placed them be- 
neath her pillow. All these precautions will show 
in how great a dread the guilty pair now lived ; but 



tyrants are never faithfully served, and William 
Montacute found means to keep his word to the 

The Castle at Nottingham stands on a high cliff 
above the river Lyne ; and almost unknown to all 
but the Governor, Sir William Eland, a secret pas- 
sage ran from the keep down to the moat. This 
passage has been known through succeeding cen- 
turies as Mortimer's Hole. Through it at midnight 
on October 19, Eland privately admitted Monta- 
cute with nine picked friends, and led them to the 
chamber of the hated Earl of March. Many ac- 
counts represent Edward as himself having been 
present, but these seem to be inaccurate ; and it 
is more probable that he trusted his friends, and 
waited in his own apartment for news. Montacute 
and his party pushed through the dark passages by 
torchlight, and broke into the chamber where Morti- 
mer sat talking to the Bishop of Lincoln : Isabella 
was in an adjoining room, and Montacute's first 
act was to close and bolt the door upon her. Her 
despairing cry, believing her son to be present, 
" Bel Fitz, bel fitz, ayez pitie du gentil Mortimer ! " 
echoes with a wild agony through the centuries, but 
it was of no avail. After a very short struggle, 
Mortimer was taken, carried out of the castle, and 
next day conveyed a prisoner to London. He was 
confined in the Beauchamp Tower at the Tower of 
London, hurriedly condemned to death, and hanged 
without any proper trial at Tyburn, then called 
Elms. He has the honour of being the first 
criminal executed at this place, and his body re- 
mained on the gallows for two days and two nights 
by the King's orders, that all men might be aware 
of his death and of the manner of it. Finally he 



was buried in the Grey Friars Church at New- 

The Pope wrote hurriedly to Edward at this 
juncture, imploring him in his righteous wrath not 
to expose his mother's shame ; but he need have 
been in no anxiety. The young King had loved his 
mother too deeply, and though his respect for her 
was now gone, his affection still remained too great 
for him to treat her with anything but sorrowful 
forbearance. He was besides by this time aware 
that the wretched woman's mind was quite dis- 
ordered. On the day of Mortimer's death, she fell 
into a violent fit of madness, and for some time 
afterwards was subject to similar attacks, inter- 
spersed with periods of black melancholia. Edward 
had her removed to Castle Rising, a lonely castle 
on the Norfolk coast, where she dwelt for many 
years in the strictest seclusion, and closely watched. 
This was necessary as much for her physical and 
mental condition as for her crimes, though these 
stood now too patent for her to live much in the 
public eye. Her wretchedness worked upon the 
kind-hearted Philippa, whose attitude in the matter 
is sufficiently indicated by a letter she received 
from the Pope the following summer, in which the 
Holy Father thanks and commends her for the 
sympathy and consolation she had shown to Isabella 
in her tribulation, and begs her " to aim at restoring 
the good fame of the Queen-Mother, which has 
been undeservedly injured ". Neither Philippa nor 
anybody else could do that, and the Pope must 
have been curiously misinformed if he thought it 
possible : but all Edward as an affectionate son 
could do for her in her present sad state was 
accomplished. He deprived her, it is true, of the 



immense revenues she had unjustly arrogated to 
herself, but settled three thousand a year upon her, 
visited her as often as possible, and gave permission 
for her to witness any travelling shows coming to 
the neighbourhood, and even occasionally to make 
pilgrimage to some shrine close at hand. Isabella 
was only thirty-six when she went to Castle Rising, 
and Miss Strickland would have us believe that with 
rare exceptions she never left it during her life- 
time, was known no more as the Queen Dowager, 
but only as " Madame the King's Mother," and was 
so closely secluded that many people always be- 
lieved her to have died on the same day as her 
lover. This is scarcely correct. Isabella lived for 
twenty-eight years after Mortimer, and towards 
the close of her life became quite sane, and often 
joined the Court at London or Windsor. Her name 
frequently appears as a witness or party to State 
papers, and she was prayed for at religious services 
immediately after her son and his wife. 

On the whole, for so young a man, Edward seems 
to have behaved in his mother's case with admir- 
able discretion and firmness : but the matter of 
Mortimer's execution was so hurriedly and injudici- 
ously carried out that it became necessary immedi- 
ately after it to call a Parliament and pass an Act 
of Indemnity upon Sir William Eland and the others 
concerned ; since otherwise they were legally liable 
to be tried for murder. The same Parliament re- 
stored the widow and eldest son of the Earl of 
Kent to their rightful possessions, and redressed 
many other grievances for which Mortimer had been 
responsible. The young King heaped honours on 
his friend Lord Montacute ; made him, for that he 
had proved himself " strenuous in arms, provident 



in counsel, useful and faithful in all things," sen- 
eschal of Aquitaine ; gave him all rights over the 
Isle of Man ; and granted him leave to hunt once 
a year in any of the royal forests : adding later on 
the forests of Ettrick and Selkirk, and the town 
and county of Peebles, while he also made him 
Castellan of Wark Castle. 

Twenty-four years later, the judgment on Mor- 
timer was reversed, as having been illegally pro- 
nounced ; and his estates were restored to his 
family. This was then felt to be justice, since his 
descendants were worthy gentlemen, good subjects, 
and many of them allied to the royal family : but 
at the time of the tyrant's death, the dread of him 
was too great to wait for any formal trial, and all 
England ran wild with joy and relief at his summary 
execution. Thus at last Edward III avenged his 
unhappy father's memory, and became a King 




THE year 1331 must have dawned for Philippa as 
the happiest she had known since her marriage. 
Her position was now assured, her husband and 
people idolized her, she was the mother of a splen- 
did boy, and best of all, the rule of Isabella and 
Mortimer, a period she must always have hated, 
was at an end, and the young King her husband 
was now held in rightful honour. Her household 
received an addition at this time in the person and 
attendants of the Princess Eleanor, Edward's un- 
married sister, who had hitherto remained in the 
charge of her mother, and was now transferred to 
that of Philippa. Eleanor was twelve years old, 
and seems to have been very happy with her sister- 
in-law : the young Queen was undoubtedly a wise 
and kind friend for her. In February of the same 
year, a grant appears in the Patent Rolls "To 
Queen Philippa for the support of Edward, Earl of 
Chester, the King's son, and Eleanor, the King's 
sister, of the issues of the county of Chester from 
the time of the arrest of Roger de Mortui Mari, 
Earl of March ". It was now too that Philippa's 
full dowry was settled upon her, and two months 
later it is recorded that she may dispose of any of 
her dower lands as she will. There is constant 



mention of her name in the Rolls. Just before 
Christmas, 1330, the King granted her for life 
his houses in "La Reel" in the City of London 
for her wardrobe. On January 16, her tailor, 
William de London, who was also, by some strange 
combination of offices, the King's serjeant, was ap- 
pointed " bailiwick of havener " to the ports in the 
county of Cornwall, during good behaviour. On 
February 20, Hasculph de White well, her attorney 
in all the courts of England for two years, is 
empowered to appoint attorneys in his stead at 
his will. 

Young as she was, Philippa could not fail to be 
struck with the comparative poverty of England 
as contrasted with her own small but flourishing 
country ; and it was easy to gather that this was 
chiefly the consequence of the deplorable state into 
which all trade had been allowed to fall. The only 
exceptions to this rule seem to have been the gold- 
smiths and jewellers, of whom there were an im- 
mense number in London, and all in the most 
prosperous circumstances. This was scarcely sur- 
prising, since money-lending was the chief part of 
their business ; and from the King downwards, 
every noble in England spent and borrowed steadily 
all his life, never earning except by plunder and 
war-prizes, which, with the lavish manner of the 
age, as often as not he gave away to his attendants 
so soon as won. Money must be had, for war was 
an expensive game ; and money had to be raised 
on jewels, plate, armour and any sort of ornament ; 
in the accomplishment of which the goldsmiths 
flourished exceedingly. But Philippa with a wis- 
dom beyond her years held this a sinister kind of 
prosperity for her adopted country, and wished to 



introduce, or rather to recall, the more mercantile 
trade for which England has since been famous. 
The wool of this island had long been the best in 
Europe, but was almost all exported in its raw 
state, made into cloth in the Low Countries, and so 
returned. This had not always been the case, for 
the Romans originally started the woollen trade 
here ; the Saxon women spun constantly, and their 
very name for an unmarried woman by her occupa- 
tion is with us still ; while William the Conqueror, 
noticing a falling off in this very matter, again in- 
troduced weavers from Normandy ; but still the 
people seem to have been lazy, or perhaps by 
choice agricultural, preferring to produce sheep 
and get their cloth made for them. Now once 
more Philippa urged the wisdom of home indus- 
tries : and persuaded the King in July of this year 
to write from Lincoln to one John Kempe of 
Flanders, cloth -weaver in wool, that "If he will 
come to England with his servants and apprentices 
of his mystery, and with his goods and chattels, 
and with any dyers and fullers who may be inclined 
willingly to accompany him beyond seas, and ex- 
plain their mysteries in the Kingdom of England, 
they shall have letters of protection and assistance 
in their settlement". It does not appear certain 
whether Kempe accepted this invitation immedi- 
ately, but four years later a colony of Flemish 
weavers was settled in Norwich under Philippa's 
auspices, and though at first the foreigners found 
themselves, perhaps naturally, extremely unpopular, 
Edward took them under his especial protection, 
the Queen visited Norwich constantly and brought 
much custom and prosperity to the town, and gradu- 
ally the manufacture of woollen cloth became a 



source of real wealth, not only to Norfolk, but to 
the whole of England. 

There were gay doings in that summer of 1331. 
The Countess of Hainault arrived on a visit to her 
daughter, and was most royally entertained. Ed- 
ward, at last his own master, allowed his love of 
splendour and display full rein, and held magnificent 
tournaments at Dartmouth, Stepney, and Cheapside. 
To the end of his life the handsome King delighted 
to play a part in a tournament ; and at Stepney, he 
and fifteen knights challenged all comers for three 
days, riding every morning through the streets of 
London to the Lists in cloaks of green cloth lined 
with red silk and powdered with golden arrows, 
while their squires wore white kirtles and green 
sleeves. At the third and greatest tournament, 
held between Wood Street and Queen Street in 
Cheapside in September, a great wooden tower or 
gallery was erected right across the road for the 
Queen, her mother, and her Court, while the cobble- 
stoned pavement was thickly strewn with sawdust in 
order that the horses might not lose their footing. 
One can imagine the busy excitement of the scene, 
every window filled with eager faces, crowds press- 
ing about the narrow space kept for the Lists, 
children held high to mark the gaily moving colours, 
babble of talk and laughter beneath the pale sun- 
shine of a bright September day. The tall young 
Queen, with her clear-coloured face and kind smile, 
would receive a rousing reception from her loyal 
Londoners, as she and her ladies rode up, and 
ascended to their seats in the great tower, erected 
but the day before across the street : then, when 
all were seated, a call of trumpets, a murmur of 
excitement breaking into a wave of cheers, and the 



procession itself approached. First, a band of 
musicians playing lustily ; after them, two and two, 
sixty squires dressed alike in the same livery ; fol- 
lowed by the King with his fifteen chosen knights, 
disguised to-day as Tartars in long fur cloaks and 
high caps, each led by a silver chain fastened to his 
wrist and held by a masked lady robed in crimson 
velvet with a white camlet cape. The King saluted 
the ladies' tower ; the Queen, smiling, rose with all 
her ladies to bow her acknowledgment ; but, alas ! 
the wooden tower had never been tested to carry 
its full weight ; this sudden movement was too 
much for ft, and with a grinding crash, the timbers 
gave, and the whole erection came tumbling into 
the street in a perfect cloud of dust. 

Edward's first feeling at this prodigious calamity 
was alarm for his wife's safety, but when, after a 
few minutes, it was discovered that the ladies had 
been extricated with no worse result than spoilt 
clothes and shaken nerves, the Plantagenet temper 
arose in all its wrath against the local carpenters 
responsible for the erection. The wretched men 
were dragged forth trembling ; the young King, 
shaking with rage and looking more fierce than 
usual in his Tartar garb, ruthlessly condemned 
them every one to death, and they were just about 
to be hurried away, when Philippa, still breathless 
and a little dishevelled from her fall, ran forward, 
threw herself on her knees in the street before her 
husband, and implored him to pardon the culprits. 
Edward could never refuse his wife a boon ; so mercy 
was proclaimed, and all ended well. The Queen 
became more popular than ever ; and a large stone 
tower was subsequently erected, to provide safety 
for sightseers on similar occasions in the future. 



The Countess of Hainault's visit was a great joy 
to her daughter ; and Edward seems always to have 
been on the best of terms with his mother-in-law, 
and to have done everything in his power to please 
her. Young Walter de Manny, Philippa's Hainault 
squire, was knighted on this occasion, and soon 
proved himself a notable acquisition to his adopted 
country. The Countess also negotiated a marriage 
which took place the following year between the 
King's sister Eleanor and Reginald II, Count of 
Gueldres and Zutphen, one of the Princes of the 
Low Countries. This marriage was for some time 
a very happy one, and two sons were born of it, 
Reginald and Edward. Gueldres was a widower 
with four daughters ; a swarthy man, and a good 
deal older than Eleanor, who was fourteen at the 
time : but he had a great admiration for the King 
of England and all things English, and proved a 
valuable ally in later years ; while she cherished a 
deep affection for her sister-in-law and all her con- 
nexions, and readily agreed to an alliance which 
should link her yet closer to Philippa's family. 

The royal family kept Christmas this year at 
Wells in Somerset, and Edward gave his brother, 
John of Eltham, and his sister Eleanor, a gold cup 
each as a Christmas present. He also settled a 
portion of 15,000 sterling upon his sister, and gave 
her a very handsome outfit for her wedding ; while 
it was probably in connexion with the festivities at- 
tending this ceremony that in February, 1332, he paid 
certain merchants 950 which they had advanced at 
his request as a gift towards Queen Philippa's ward- 
robe. In addition to many handsome dresses, the 
bride, as was customary in those days, carried away 
a quantity of furniture, including a magnificent 



green bed, and complete fittings for her private 
chapel ; also several packets of sugar, rice, raisins, 
figs, pepper, and other groceries ; and, most remark- 
able of all, a beautiful purple chariot covered with 
golden stars, which cost 20 and was furnished 
with a waxcloth cover to protect it from bad 
weather. Both Edward and Philippa were fond 
of their little sister, and accompanied her a short 
part of the way when she and her husband set out 
for his dominions. Philippa's parting present to 
her was a furred robe ; and Edward gave six 
altar-cloths of cloth of gold, and 30 with which 
to settle certain little debts she had not been 
able to pay, and which were weighing upon her 

In the spring of 1332, Philippa was again ex- 
pecting the birth of a child, and Edward gave 
official orders to have the palace at Clarendon 
prepared for her accouchement; but at the last 
moment she changed her mind, and it was again 
at her beloved Woodstock that, in June, her 
second child and first daughter, the Princess Isa- 
bella, was born. Edward was delighted, and if 
any doubt remained as to the continuance of his 
affection for his unfortunate mother, it should be 
dissipated by the fact that her name was bestowed 
upon this longed-for child. We have detailed ac- 
counts of the magnificence of Philippa's " relevailles," 
uprising, or reception of the Court after the birth 
of her daughter. All the household had new 
clothes for the occasion ; and the Queen herself 
was gorgeous in a robe of red and purple velvet, 
embroidered with pearls ; and sat on a state bed 
with a cover of green velvet upon it, seven and a 
half ells long and eight wide, on which was de- 



picted in needlework the device of a merman and 
mermaid holding the shields of England and Hai- 
nault. The state cradle was adorned with similar 
shields and heavily gilded, lined with silk, and 
spread with a coverlet composed of 670 skins, 
which cost 16 ; while the baby wore a rich 
robe of Lucca silk edged with fur and trimmed 
with four rows of garnitures. A household was 
immediately arranged for her ; John Bromley 
was her tailor, Joan Gambon her rocker, and 
Joan Pyebrook her damsel, each at the wages 
of 10 a year. Apparently all the expenses in 
connexion with the children, so long as they re- 
mained in her charge, were regarded as the Queen's 
affair ; and if she had not been a clever and thrifty 
manager, this would soon have become a very serious 
tax, for the family rapidly increased. In her hands 
lay the appointment of a tutor for her little son, 
created Earl of Chester, when three years old ; and 
her choice fell upon Dr. Walter Burleigh, a worthy 
Oxford scholar, who had been her almoner since 
she arrived in England, and in whom she rightly 
reposed a perfect confidence. Burleigh had a son 
Simon, a few years older than the little Prince, 
who with a few other boys was permitted to share 
his studies, and remained his lifelong friend. The 
young Queen was already regarded as a patron of 
learning, and only a year later, received a letter 
from the Chancellor and Masters of the University 
of Oxford, imploring her influence with the Pope 
to prevent the establishment of a rival University 
then under consideration in the town of Stamford. 
The Scotch question meanwhile again became 
acute in the year 1333. Old Robert Bruce had 
died a year after the Shameful Peace was con- 



eluded, and his little son David II was the first 
anointed King of Scotland. The Peace was most 
distasteful to the English people, and though Ed- 
ward had himself been too young at the time for 
his opinion to be considered, now that he was a man 
grown, his judgment strongly coincided with that of 
his subjects. Still, the treaty had been made, and 
when Edward Baliol, son of the dethroned John 
who had been the rival of Robert Bruce, wished to 
reclaim his rights in Scotland, Edward would not 
suffer him to make his attack from English terri- 
tory, however strong his sympathies might be ; but 
allowed him to equip a small fleet in England and 
set sail for the coast of Fife. More by luck than 
courage, Baliol's army gained a victory at Dupplin, 
slew an immense number of the Scots, including 
the Regent Earl of Mar, and promptly marched 
to Scone, where Baliol was crowned King. He 
immediately begged the protection of Edward of 
England, offering to surrender him the important 
town and castle of Berwick, acknowledge him as 
his liege lord and superior, and promise to follow 
him in all his wars. Edward eagerly accepted the 
offer ; and when the loyal party in Scotland rose 
up in defence of their young King against Baliol's 
usurpation, he seems to have been delighted at the 
opportunity to set all question of the Peace aside 
and march north to quell what he called the re- 
bellion. The interests of poor little Joan met with 
no consideration, and she and her child husband 
were hustled off to France by their still faithful 
subjects, that they might remain under the pro- 
tection of the French King while battles were 
fought for them at home. 

No valid excuse can be urged for Edward in thus 



breaking a Peace so lately made in his name, even 
though without his conscious approval ; but the soul 
of his grandfather stirred in the young man's blood, 
and he burned to be at war with his hereditary 
enemy. In spite of Baliol's perfidy, Berwick was 
still held by the loyal Scots ; so Edward hastened 
to besiege it, and with, or very shortly after him, 
travelled Philippa. The love romance begun at 
Valenciennes had ripened by now into so deep a 
devotion that husband and wife could not bear 
separation a day longer than necessary ; and thus 
Philippa, who all her life remained a great traveller, 
embarked upon the first of those many journeys 
she was henceforth to take in the wake of her 
lord's triumphal arms. The two children were left 
in charge of a governess at the Palace of Clarendon, 
and Edward made his wife a curious grant for their 
benefit, in the form of a licence to cut down, sell, 
and carry away all old oaks bearing no leaves in 
her own parks and lands, to the value of 1000 ; 
while a month later, considering her lands insuffici- 
ent to bear the increased expenditure of her house- 
hold, an extra 500 marks yearly was settled upon 
her, which he believed would be calculated to meet 
the deficit. The King and Queen were together at 
Knaresborough in April, when the young monarch's 
clemency was again claimed by his wife on behalf 
of one Agnes de Scarborough, who had been con- 
victed of the larceny of a surcoat and three shillings 
in money at York, and sentenced to be hanged, but 
whose execution had been deferred till her child 
was born. A full pardon was granted her at 
Philippa's request ; and so the war-train moved 
on : at Tweedmouth in June the King gave orders 
for lodging all carts, horses, carters, and sumpter 

81 6 


horses of his Queen, besides her war-horses and 
palfreys : and it was apparently shortly after this 
that she retired to the almost impregnable strong- 
hold of Bamborough Castle, while Edward and his 
army pushed on to invest Berwick. 

The long summer days must have passed 
anxiously in the high stone chambers at Bam- 
borough, while the surf beat on the rocks below, 
and tidings good or evil might any moment arrive 
from the King's army twenty miles away. Mostly 
the news was good : the two young sons of the 
Governor of Berwick had fallen into Edward's 
hands, and he hoped with such hostages very 
shortly to compel the castle's surrender ; when 
suddenly the rush of war made a fierce dart in 
Philippa's own direction. The Earl of Douglas, 
planning a counter-attack, marched hastily by night 
on Bamborough itself, and the young Queen found 
herself closely besieged. Edward was furious when 
the news reached him ; but he did not play into 
the enemy's hands as they had hoped by aban- 
doning Berwick and flying to Philippa's aid. He 
knew her to be stout-hearted, and the castle well 
garrisoned and provisioned for some time ; but his 
rage showed itself in that cruelty never very far 
beneath the surface in a Plantagenet, and to it the 
hapless hostage boys fell victims. It was the kind 
of revenge his mother would have taken without 
compunction, but it is safe to predict if Philippa 
had stood beside her husband the savage impulse 
would have been checked. But the boys were 
slain ; with renewed fury Edward hurled himself 
upon Berwick, took it, marched back upon Bam- 
borough, overthrew and slew the Douglas at Hali- 
don Hill on July 19, rescued his Queen, and with 



her entered in triumph Berwick-on-Tweed, which 
has ever since remained an English town. 

As soon as possible after this, the King and 
Queen returned to the south ; where they found 
those they had left in charge of their little son 
and daughter had proved unworthy of the trust, 
neglected the children, spent all the money left 
for their maintenance, and run heavily into debt. 
Edward paid out 500 to set their household 
in order, and Philippa wrathfully resolved never 
if possible to allow herself to be separated from 
her children again. Christmas was spent at Wal- 
lingford, and early in February, 1334, another 
daughter, the Princess Joan, was born to the 
royal couple. In the Rolls she is impartially 
styled "Joan of Woodstock" and "Joan of the 
Tower," but this last seems to have been an error 
in which she was confused with her aunt, the Queen 
of Scotland ; and there is little question that it is 
she Stow means when he says : " The King kept his 
Christmas (1333) at Wallingford, and immediately 
after the Queen was delivered of a daughter named 
Isabella at Woodstock ". The two Princesses are 
often spoken of only by their initials, and I and J 
being very interchangeable, a good deal of confusion 
frequently arises between them. Those who follow 
Stow literally place Joan's birth a year later, in 
1335, but an entry in the Patent Eolls for 6 March, 
1334, proves the date beyond question. In it 
Edward, then at York, makes a " Grant to Queen 
Philippa for the sustenance of Edward, Earl of 
Chester, the King's first-born son, and Isabella and 
Joan the King's daughters, so long as they are 
dwelling with her, that she shall receive the issues 
of the county of Chester, the castles of Chester, 



Beston, Eothelan and Flynt, and all other places 
in Wales and England that the said Earl holds of 
the King's grant, and that she shall order the 
household of the said Edward, Isabella and Joan 
at her will ". Joan grew up to be the fairest of all 
Philippa's children, and the fame of her loveliness 
spread through all Europe. Edward already began 
to make tentative treaties of marriage for his 
children ; and as early as October 2, 1332, his 
ambassadors had been instructed to treat of the 
marriage of his son with a daughter of Philip of 
France ; while in 1335 a betrothal was mooted 
between Isabella and the eldest son of King Alfonso 
of Castille ; and yet another between Joan and 
the eldest son of the Duke of Austria. None of 
these marriages ever took place, though the last 
came near it ; and the children were theoretically 
betrothed many times yet before they grew up, 
but apparently Philippa foresaw this fact, for she 
seems so far to have taken all the arrangements 
very placidly. 

By the end of February Edward was in the north 
of England again ; and so soon as possible his 
Queen followed him, this time with her three chil- 
dren, for whom special rooms had been prepared 
in the castle at York ; where the family established 
its headquarters for the present. Philippa seems 
to have travelled a great deal during all these years 
of the Scotch wars, and it is not always easy to 
trace her movements. On February 22, 1335, a 
grant is recorded " To Queen Philippa to support 
the heavy charges she has to meet daily as well in 
her household as her chamber, 350 marks yearly ". 
This is dated from Newcastle-on-Tyne, and no 
doubt the constant journeys she took added largely 



to her expenses ; there were also the dangers of the 
road to be reckoned with. From Carlisle in July a 
statement is made that " Queen Philippa lately 
caused a gold ring, a velvet robe set with pearls, and 
other jewels of great value, to be delivered to John 
de Laundes, merchant of Paris, to take to London " ; 
that the unfortunate merchant was murdered at 
Huntingdon, some of the jewels being left on his 
body, but the rest stolen ; and that the King ap- 
points his yeoman to arrest the thieves. In this 
same summer Philippa visited Norwich, where 
the Flemish weaving colony had lately settled, 
and by her kindly sympathy and interest encour- 
aged the foreigners, who had hitherto found them- 
selves not over-welcome amongst the bluff East 
Anglians. During her absence, from June to 
August, her three children were sent to Peter- 
borough Abbey, where the Reverend Abbot, Adam 
de Botheby, made great pets of them, and ar- 
ranged constant treats and presents to give them 

In the midst of all this travelling, a fourth child 
was born at Hatfield in Yorkshire, and christened 
William after the Queen's father ; a " white robe 
worked with pearls and a robe of velvet cloth of 
divers workmanship " were made " against the con- 
finement of the Lady Philippa, Queen of England ". 
Little William only lived a few months, and was 
buried in York Minster the following spring. A 
curious incident recorded in the " History of Dur- 
ham " probably took place some time this winter 
(though an earlier date is given for it), when, Ed- 
ward having marched as far south as Durham, 
lodged there at St. Cuthbert's Priory for a few 
days, and Philippa hurried over from Knares- 



borough to join him ; priories, abbeys and convents 
being the hotels of the period. "Being unac- 
quainted with the customs of this church," proceeds 
the story, "the Queen went through the Abbey 
gates to the Priory, and after supping with the 
King, retired to rest. This alarmed the monks, 
one of whom went to the King and informed him 
that St. Cuthbert had a mortal aversion to the 
presence of women. Unwilling to give any offence 
to the Church, Edward immediately ordered the 
Queen to arise," and Philippa, always pious and 
kind, and deeply sorry to offend the susceptibilities 
of saint or sinner, did not even wait to dress, but 
hastily gathered her possessions together, and " in 
her under garments only, returned by the gate 
through which she had entered, and went to the 
castle ; after most devoutly praying that St. Cuth- 
bert would not avenge a fault which she had 
through ignorance committed ". Certainly no one 
could accuse Philippa of impiety, and she still re- 
mained in great favour with the Pope. In August 
of this year he pronounced that her confessor 
might have leave to commute any vows of hers 
which she could not conveniently observe, except- 
ing only those of chastity and of pilgrimage to the 
Holy Land or Kome ; and he also granted that on 
the advice of her physician she might eat meat on 
days of fast and abstinence. 

In 1336 Edward grew tired of the Scotch wars. 
Baliol was too poor a puppet to stand a day by 
himself ; the Scots were more than ever determined 
never to own him their King ; and Edward did not 
intend to fight on his behalf through a whole reign. 
He had dreams too now of greater ambition, and this 
spring left the campaign for a time to his brother 



John, the young Earl of Cornwall, and came south 
to London once more : his state papers from March 
to May are all dated from the Tower, Westminster, 
or Windsor. Evidently little Prince Edward was 
considered by now to be past his nursery days, for 
several of these documents relate to rewards and 
pensions settled upon his early attendants. Joan 
de Oxenford, his nurse, is to receive 10 yearly at 
the Exchequer till the King provides an equivalent 
for the same in land or rent for her life ; and 
Matilda de Plympton, his bersatrix, is to have 10 
marks yearly in the same way ; while to William of 
Sancto Omero and Elizabeth his wife, "for their 
gratuitous services to the King in staying with his 
son Edward, Earl of Chester, and his daughters," 
25 yearly at the Exchequer is granted for their 
lives. In July Queen Philippa got a further grant 
of old oaks ; and on September 27, " for the ex- 
penses of her household " she is to receive the third 
part of the King's prizes of wines in three ports. 
Edward was at this time on his way back to Scot- 
land to relieve his brother the Earl of Cornwall : 
but the young prince, who had proved a fierce and 
cruel general, fell mortally wounded at Lesmahago, 
and died at Perth, then called St. John's Town, in 
the first week of October. 

Unhappy Queen Isabella, in her seclusion at 
Castle Rising, felt this bereavement very deeply : 
and it was about the same time that her son the 
King granted her formal permission to make her 
will, leaving her goods to whomsoever she chose. 
He himself had also been much attached to his 
brother, on whose behalf the preceding year he had 
set on foot a treaty of marriage with the niece of 
Duke John of Brittany : and this event only served 



to disgust him still further with all the Scottish 
nation, friends and foes alike. In December there- 
fore he placed the command of his army in other 
hands, and himself left the country, never to return 
there for twenty years. 



TWICE Edward of England had paid homage to 
Philip of France for his Duchy of Guienne ; and 
there seems no reason to suppose that, had Philip 
remained friendly and honest, the English monarch's 
rather cloudy claim to the French Crown would 
ever have been pressed again. But Philip hankered 
after those English provinces, dearly longing to add 
them to his own realm ; and he rather meanly en- 
couraged the Scotch war, egging on both sides 
while privately sympathizing with the followers of 
Bruce, in the hopes that Edward's interests would 
thus be engaged and his powers exhausted so that 
he, Philip, might quietly steal away Guienne and 
Ponthieu without resistance. 

Edward, however, though sincerely desiring friend- 
ship with France ever since his first visit, was far 
too quick to miss the trend of Philip's policy, and 
it raised a natural indignation within him. The 
French King constantly prated of Crusades, and in 
the beginning of 1336 sought the Pope's blessing 
at Avignon upon his immense preparation for what 
was ostensibly such a sacred adventure, but virtu- 
ally, as everybody knew, destined for the invasion of 
England. The States of Sicily and Genoa, scorning 
such hypocrisy, flatly refused to guard his stores, 
and had them destroyed, for which Edward publicly 


thanked them ; and in April the English King 
created two new admirals, Sir Geoffrey Say and 
Sir John Norwich. Four months later, these gen- 
tlemen received instructions to put to sea, with the 
characteristic peroration : " We, considering that 
our progenitors, Kings of England, were lords of 
the English sea on every side, and also defenders 
against invasion of enemies before these times : it 
would much grieve us if our royal honour in such 
defence should perish or be in aught diminished in 
our time, which God forbid ". Evidently Edward 
realized that it was well to keep a watch upon his 

Men of grave wisdom meanwhile were not want- 
ing to remind the King of his claim on France, and 
to urge its prosecution. Absurd and unreasonable 
as it seems to us, they honestly held it a good and 
sufficient one : and as early as July, 1335, Count 
William of Hainault, Philippa's father, sent his 
son-in-law a gift of a magnificent helmet, richly 
beset with precious stones, and adorned with a coro- 
net of gold, accompanying it with a remonstrance 
against wasting his power and wealth in Scotland, 
where no plunder and small glory could be had, 
while he might attack France and win himself 
much renown and another realm. Edward wore the 
helmet often, and gave a handsome reward to Sir 
Eustace of Hainault who brought it ; but he made 
no immediate response to the Count's suggestion, 
pondering it, however, privately with some care. 
His own original intention at Philip's accession had 
been, as will be remembered, to prefer his claim ; 
and he had then only reluctantly yielded to the 
counsels of his mother and Mortimer in the affair ; 
but his views had changed on many matters since, 



and this was undoubtedly one of them. Hallam 
is of opinion that he would certainly never have 
attacked France on the strength of his claim alone, 
but that the constant disputes about Guienne, and 
Philip's secret help to the Bruces, while pretending 
to remain neutral, together with the generally in- 
sincere and shifty character of the French King, 
goaded him into war : and there is no question 
that the pressure of public opinion always weighed 
heavily with Edward, and that his people at this 
time looked forward to such a war with eagerness 
and spirit. 

The chief onus of provoking hostilities, however, 
has always rested with Count Robert of Artois, 
the adventurous cousin who stood by Queen Isa- 
bella in France at the time of her quarrel with her 
brother, warned and helped her to escape from Paris 
with her son when King Charles would have forc- 
ibly sent her back to England ; and whom she then 
urged, if ever in need or trouble himself, to hasten 
to the English Court. Things went well with 
Robert for some time, and he had no need to claim 
the invitation. His wife was a sister of King 
Philip, whose accession he had mainly managed ; 
but a few years later, he became involved in family 
disputes, was accused of forging papers and poison- 
ing his aunt and cousin ; and the King, instead of 
recompensing his aid by affording him full opportu- 
nity to clear himself, believed or affected to believe 
the worst, seized and imprisoned his wife and chil- 
dren, and bade him fly from France at once under 
pain of instant death. Whether Robert was really 
guilty of all the charges preferred against him 
seems doubtful, but in any case Philip treated him 
very shabbily, and his was not the spirit to overlook 



an insult. He escaped from Namur disguised as a 
merchant, and reached England in 1333, nursing 
his grievance hotly. Edward was then at York, 
but sent him a warm welcome, and as an honoured 
guest he remained ever after at the English Court. 
It will easily be understood that no opportunity 
was lost by him to rouse enmity and irritation in 
his host against the man who had so injured him ; 
and in the autumn of 1335 his two nephews, the 
young Earl of Namur and his brother Sir Robert, 
"the most handsome and courageous bachelor in 
Europe," came over to England to offer Edward 
their services in the Scotch war " for the sake of 
their uncle ". Edward gladly accepted their help ; 
but they seem to have been too rash and chivalrous 
to be of much use in conflict with so stern a foe, 
and were promptly taken prisoners. A strange 
tale is told of a beautiful woman disguised as a 
page, who fought and fell by young Sir Robert's 
side, he unaware of her identity till she lay dead 
before him ; but so soon as Edward could arrange 
for the Namurs release, they went home again, 
parting in all friendliness ; and Sir Robert after- 
wards became the husband of Queen Philippa's 
youngest sister, the Princess Isabella of Hainault. 
Count Robert of Artois, however, remained in 
England, cynical, bitter, ever at Edward's side, hint- 
ing at dishonourable inaction, pointing out Philip's 
insidious advances, teasing and troubling always 
to induce the young King to take some marked 
step which could not afterwards be retraced. For 
his youth and temper, Edward seems to have be- 
haved with remarkable discretion. It is true the 
Scotch wars lost savour with him ; and as we 
have seen, he thought it wise to guard his coast 



and keep a watchful eye abroad ; but for the rest, 
he found much to do in England when at last he 
left Baliol in command of a small force in the 
north, and returned to London. 

This was in December 1336, and in March of the 
following year the little Earl of Chester received 
his dead uncle's title of Cornwall, raised to a Duchy 
instead of an Earldom. He thus became the first 
English Duke since William of Normandy merged 
the title in that of King ; and ever since, the eldest 
son of the King of England has been born Duke 
of Cornwall. The little Prince was invested with 
his Dukedom by a wreath on his head, a ring on 
his finger, and a silver verge ; at the same time 
twenty new knights were dubbed, and six new 
Earls created, amongst them being the King's 
cousin, Henry of Leicester, who was made Earl of 
Derby, and the King's own intimate friend, William 
Montacute, who was made Earl of Salisbury. 
1333. 6s. 8d. was spent on clothes for Philippa 
and her son on this occasion. The entry also 
occurs : " To Amy de Gloucester, for free services 
as nurse to Joan the King's daughter, and William 
his son, now dead, 10 yearly for life ". Great 
and small shared alike in the honours : and the 
following month record is made, signal of a peace- 
ful end to old feuds, of 20 for life to " Joan and 
Eleanor, daughters of Hugh le Despenser the elder, 
nuns of Sempyngham " ; while later claims are 
recognized in a "Grant to Robert de Artois of 
1200 marks yearly at Exchequer during the King's 
pleasure ". 

Domestic affairs also claimed the King's at- 
tention ; trade must be stimulated, and abuses 
checked. Extravagance in dress had become so 



great that rigid sumptuary laws were passed, and 
only the King, Queen, their children, bishops, and 
peers were henceforth to be allowed to wear clothes 
made beyond sea ; while those only whose yearly 
rents exceeded 100 might wear foreign furs or 
silks ; no English wool or live sheep were to be 
sent abroad, and all workers in cloth must be 
welcomed to the country. Apparently the in- 
creased friendly relations with the wealthy peoples 
of the Low Countries had introduced ridiculous 
and exaggerated fashions such as England had 
never before seen, but these must certainly have 
reached a great height, since even the wild Scots 
mocked at their enemies in the rhyme : 

Long beards, heartless ; 
Painted hoods, witless; 
Gay coats, graceless ; 
Make England thriftless ! 

while in Caxton's " Chronicle " we find the scandal- 
ized remark that "The Englishmen so much fol- 
lowed and counterf eated the madnesse and the folly 
of the straungers, that from the first commyng in 
of the Henaulters, they dayly chaunged their ap- 
parel, sometimes long and wide, and at another 
time, cutted, short and streight, and altogether un- 
seemly and unhonest. And the apparel of the 
women was more fond than the men. For their 
clothes were made so streyt to their bodys that for 
their foolish pride the Scottes deryded and made 
foolishe rimes and jests of them." Extravagance 
in food seems also to have been rife, for at the 
same time it was enacted that no private person 
should be served with more than two courses at 
each meal, and each course was not to consist of 
more than two messes : on feast days three courses 



were allowed. This could only have been intended 
as a check, for no penalty was named for breaking 
the law ; and as Longman remarks, unless a spy 
were stationed in each household, it would be im- 
possible to know if it were kept. But the legisla- 
tion of those days was curiously paternal. A few 
years later, Edward found it necessary to forbid 
butchers to sew the fat of good beef on to lean 
certainly a most curious way of defrauding the 
public ! The purchasing power of the pound, in 
reference to the income quoted above, was vastly 
greater of course than it has since become : in 1336, 
for instance, a "fat Pigge " could be had for Id., a 
fat goose for 2d., six pigeons for Id., a fat sheep 
for 4d., and a fat ox for 4s. 4d. In spite of the 
prohibition against exporting English sheep the 
wool of which was so incomparably finer than any 
other that Edward is said to have received the 
almost incredible sum of 80,000 in one year from 
duties on wool alone a flock was not long after 
smuggled across to Spain, from which it is stated 
that the famous merinos of that country are de- 

It will be observed that, though apparently en- 
gaged with small matters, Edward was all the time 
carefully building up the resources of his country, 
forming powerful friendships, and making wary 
progress. So strongly, however, was Robert of 
Artois credited at the time with having finally 
forced his hand in the matter of the French cam- 
paign that the account given in that wonderful old 
contemporary poem of the " Vows of the Heron " 
has by many been held to be literally correct. 
Even if we can scarcely accept it thus, it yet pre- 
sents so curiously interesting a picture of the age 



and so plain an indication of what was at the time 
considered the real source of Edward's subsequent 
action, that it deserves some careful words of 
description and explanation. Count Robert, living 
his restless life, consumed with the desire of re- 
venge, runs the ballad, was hawking in Windsor 
Park one day when he beheld a heron, the most 
timorous of birds. Having brought it down, he 
returned to the castle ; and that night entered the 
banqueting hall followed by two noble maidens 
carrying the roasted heron in a dish. The King 
of England sat at the high table with his Queen, sur- 
rounded by nobles, and before him Artois set the 
bird, calling upon all knights present to utter vows 
of chivalry upon it, and telling Ed ,/ard loudly to 
his face that he was no better than the coward bird 
himself to resign the fair realm of France without 
so much as the drawing of a sword. The young 
King sprang to his feet with scarlet face ; he does 
not seem to have resented Artois' rudeness, but 
impetuously fell in with his humour, and vowed 
before all present that he would enter France in 
arms, wait a month there for Philip to give him 
battle, and would meet him even though his forces 
were ten times his own. The Earl of Salisbury 
vowed next, closing one eye and swearing he would 
not open it till he had fought Philip for Edward's 
rights ; and after him Sir Walter Manny, the Earls 
of Suffolk and Derby, and many others, vowed fan- 
tastic vows, till all the chivalry of England were 
pledged to the enterprise. One can see the dark 
flush of triumph rising on Artois' face as he at last 
visioned his designs nearing accomplishment : and 
when all the knights had vowed, he turned to 



Eobert knelt before the Queen, 

And said that the Heron he would distribute in time, 
When she had vowed that which her heart should tell her. 
"Vassal," said the Queen, "now talk to me no more; 
A lady cannot make a vow, because she has a lord; 
For if she vow anything, her husband has power 
That he can fully revoke what she shall vow, 
And shame be to the body that shall think of it ; 
Before my dear lord shall have commanded it me.'' 
And said the King ; " Vow, my body shall acquit it ; 
But that I may accomplish it, my body shall labour ; 
Vow boldly and God shall aid you ". 
Then said the Queen : ' I know well for some time 
That I am big with child, that my body has felt it ; 
It is only a little while since it moved in my body ; 
And I vow and promise to the God who created me, 
Who was born of a Virgin while her body remained perfect, 
And died on the cross, (they crucified him,) 
That the fruit shall never issue from my body 
Until you have led me to the country over there 
To perform the vow your body has vowed. 
And if it should be ready to issue when it will not be need, 
With a great knife of steel my body shall slay itself ; 
My life be lost and the fruit perish." 

And when the King heard this he thought of it very gravely 
And said : " Certainly no one will vow more ". 
The Heron was divided : the Queen ate of it. 
Then, after this was done, the King made preparation 
And caused ships to be stored : the Queen entered : 
He led many a free knight with him. 
From thence to Antwerp the King made no halt. 
When they had finished the voyage, the Queen was delivered ; 
The lady was brought to bed of a graceful fair son, 
Lion of Antwerp he was called when they baptized him. 
Thus did the noble dame acquit her vow : 
Before all are acquitted, many a good man will die for it 
And many a good knight lament for it 
And many a good woman be tired of it. 
Then went the Court of England over there. 
Here end the Vows of the Heron. 



Not the least interesting feature of this curious 
old poem lies in the attitude of Philippa to her 
lord. A woman of sense and virtue, possessed more- 
over of a strong personality of her own, she yet re- 
frained from expressing any opinion contrary to 
that of her husband ; and indeed throughout her 
life, whether his quarrels appeared to her wise or 
foolish, she loyally embraced them, and followed 
his fortunes without one carping word. On this 
occasion it is true she knew her father had already 
urged the move on France, and for her father's 
opinion she held the greatest respect ; but she must 
have been aware how heavily her words would weigh 
with Edward : and certainly, as the King observed, 
"no one could vow more'*. The proceedings of 
which the " Vows of the Heron " gives us a poetical 
parable, seem in reality to have begun with an 
embassy, consisting of Henry Burwash, Bishop of 
Lincoln, the Earls of Salisbury and Huntingdon, 
and two learned doctors, dispatched from Wind- 
sor by Edward on April 15, 1337 ; and instructed 
first to ask further counsel of his father-in-law, 
whom they found " sicke in bed with the Goute " 
at Valenciennes, with his brother Sir John. " As 
helpe me God," cried the good Count, " if the King 
might attain his desire, I would be right glad 
thereof, for I had rather the welth of him that 
hath maryed my daughter, than of him that never 
did anything for me, though I have maryed his 
sister." He then advised that Edward should form 
alliances with his other sons-in-law, the Emperor 
Lewis and the Marquis of Juliers, also with the 
Duke of Brabant, the Bishop of Liege, the Counts 
of Gueldres and Flanders, and other princes of mid- 
Europe ; a sound suggestion, upon which the King 



promptly acted. With most of these he stood 
already on friendly terms ; but the last named, 
Count Louis of Flanders, had of late wavered 
somewhat towards Philip of France ; and only the 
month before, Edward had himself written to the 
King of Castille that the Flemings had joined his 
enemies. Louis's co-operation was however parti- 
cularly important, since through his country lay the 
nearest approach to France ; and the same am- 
bassadors were bidden instantly to press upon him 
the treaty of marriage, already mooted, between 
his eldest son and the Princess Isabella. It was on 
the occasion of this embassy that Sir Walter Manny 
and certain other young knights placed black 
patches over their left eyes and vowed not to re- 
move them till each had performed some valiant 
deed of arms, a vow scrupulously discharged before 
they returned home. The treaty was not at that 
time concluded, and had the matter lain in Count 
Louis's hands, would have been declined at once ; 
but he had made himself so unpopular by his 
friendship with Philip that he was now no more 
than a cypher in his own land, and all power rested 
with that remarkable character Jacob von Arte- 
veldt, the famous brewer of Ghent. This man, 
idolized by his fellows, had been proclaimed Gov- 
ernor of Flanders, and for nine years exercised 
an almost absolute authority over the country. 
By means of a friendship subsisting between him- 
self and Robert of Artois, he became a valuable 
ally to Edward : and finding it impossible to stand 
against so powerful a combination, the Count of 
Flanders and his son took refuge with Philip at the 
French Court. 

In the end of this year, 1337, good Count William 



of Hainault died at Valenciennes ; an irreparable 
loss to his daughter Philippa and indeed to all his 
family. Her four daughters being now all married, 
the widowed Countess retired to a convent in France, 
and the title devolved upon her only son. The young 
Count, or Earl as he is usually called, assured 
Edward of the continued friendly relations of him- 
self and his people ; but he did not prove so faithful 
an ally as his father ; and the immediate loss of 
funds, hitherto generously forthcoming from that 
quarter, proved a serious blow to Edward's prepara- 
tions. Philippa would not have been her father's 
daughter had she not been a good woman of busi- 
ness, but she must all her life have had a hard 
struggle to make two ends meet. Edward used 
every penny he could scrape together upon his wars ; 
he was besides recklessly extravagant personally 
over the gorgeous pageants and rich raiment he 
loved ; but on Philippa fell all the responsibili- 
ties of her rapidly growing family, which must be 
clothed, fed, educated, and attended in a manner be- 
coming its condition ; in addition to the expenses of 
her own household, charities, and constant journeys 
about England and abroad. The only complaint 
ever raised against her during all her long years 
of queenship is that she was occasionally somewhat 
prompt to collect her rents, a fact calling indeed 
for little wonder ; but that she was not always 
ruthless in extorting her uttermost farthing is 
proved by a letter of hers, now in the Madox 
Collection, which, although dated some sixteen 
years later, may as well in this connexion be in- 
serted here and now. The matter dealt with, it 
should be explained, concerned certain writs which 



had been issued against debtors to the Queen for 
Aurum Regince or Queen's Gold 

" Philippa, by the grace of God queen of England, 
lady of Ireland, and duchess of Aquitaine, to 
our dear clerk Sir John de Eddington, our 
attorney in the exchequer of our very dear 
lord the King, sends greeting. 

" We command you, that you cause all the writs 
which have been filed from the search lately made 
by Sir Richard de Cressivil to be postponed until 
the octaves of Easter next ensuing ; to the end that 
in the mean time, we and our Council may be able 
to be advised which of the said writs are to be put 
in execution for our profit, and which of them are 
to cease for the relief of our people, to save our 
conscience. And we will that this letter be your 
warrant therefore. 

" Given under our privy seal, at Westminster, the 
14th day of May, in the year of the reign of our 
very dear lord the King of England the twenty- 

By the end of 1337, in spite of the old Count of 
Hainault's death, it is plain that Edward stood 
determined to go to Flanders and seek help against 
Philip of France ; and to this end he was anxious 
as much as possible to set his house in order at 
home, settle old debts, and lay in fresh supplies 
and credit for the future. On October 10, from 
the Tower, he issued a " Promise to pay John de 
Portenare, merchant, 4850 which he had paid 
Queen Philippa for her debts as well beyond the 
seas as within, and for other pressing business " ; 
and having obtained a grant in kind, of 20,000 sacks 
of wool from the Commons, who seem ordinarily 



to have laboured under the impression that the 
wars of England were to be regarded as the King's 
private amusement and defrayed from his private 
purse, he settled 800 marks yearly upon Robert of 
Artois during his pleasure ; and paid out 564. 3s. 4d. 
on Philippa's behalf, to set her up in "Saddles, 
silver vases, zones, purses, silk and jewels " for the 
expedition ; since she was, as a matter of course, 
to accompany him. Another somewhat important 
member of the party was the little Lady Joan, 
who, aged four, had already been two years be- 
trothed to Frederick, eldest son of Duke Otho of 
Austria ; and although baby weddings were not at 
this time common, it was usually understood in 
treaties of marriage between sovereign princes that 
the bride should be sent as early as possible to the 
Court of her future husband, in order that she 
might grow up amongst his people, and be fitted 
by education and surroundings for the position she 
was to occupy. Duke Otho had more than once 
pressed somewhat urgently for the fulfilment of 
this condition ; but the child's father and mother, 
reluctant to part with her so young, had excused 
themselves hitherto on the plea that Edward 
shortly intended to visit Germany, and would pre- 
fer to bring his daughter himself. Now, however, 
it would not be possible to postpone the parting 
longer. It is evident that Philippa never liked the 
prospect; but Edward had already a very clear 
scheme of policy as to the advantages to be reaped 
from his children's marriages, and additional trea- 
ties were almost completed between the Duke of 
Cornwall and Princess Margaret of Brabant, and 
between the Lady Isabella and the young son of the 
Count of Flanders. The two elder children were 



therefore placed with suitable attendants in the 
Tower of London, the Duke of Cornwall being 
nominally entitled " Guardian of the Realm " ; and 
" a certain pallet was provided for the Lady Joan 
the King's daughter on her passage to foreign parts 
in a ship". By July 12, 1338, the expedition, with 
a fleet of 500 ships, sailed for Antwerp from Orwell 
in Suffolk. 




EDWARD and Philippa, with their daughter, were 
well received in Antwerp, where they went first to 
the house of one Sirkyn Fordul ; but in his anxiety 
to place a sufficiently splendid dinner before them, 
the unfortunate man's house was set on fire that 
very night, and the royal party, only just rescued in 
time, took refuge at the Abbey of St Michael. Here 
they were warmly welcomed, and seem to have 
spent a few weeks settling down, or rather perhaps 
waiting for the promised sacks of wool, which were 
tardy in arriving. Edward's sister and her husband, 
the Count and Countess of Gueldres, paid them 
a visit during this time, and on August 17, a 
pleasure excursion is mentioned, when the King 
and his family were rowed across the Scheldt ; but 
Edward could not stay long, as he must needs push 
on to meet the Emperor at Coblentz, where too Joan 
must be handed over to the father of her future 
husband. Philippa accompanied the party as far 
as Herenthals, being very naturally loath to part so 
early from her pretty little daughter, but arrange- 
ments had been made for Joan to be still attended 
by the Lady Isabella de la Mote, her governess, 
and Lord John de Montegomery, who was to re- 
main about her, and attend to her welfare. Al- 
though travelling seems to have been common in 



these days, the next night's lodging was always a 
matter of some doubt, and at Herenthals the King 
and Queen had to put up at the house of a 
peasant, Podenot de Lippe. Podenot and his wife 
Catherine were most anxious to entertain their 
guests suitably, and being a hot evening, Catherine 
laid their supper in the garden, with the unfortunate 
result that the grass was trampled to the ground 
by the King's followers. When he left next day, 
however, he bestowed 46s. 8d. for the supper, and 
22s. 6d. for the damage, which seems to have been 
considered very handsome treatment. Then the 
great train must get to horse again ; and Philippa 
with heavy heart bade farewell to her husband and 
child, and rode back alone with her ladies to 

Edward made his first stop at Cologne, then 
travelled up the Rhine to Bonn, Nonnenwerth, 
Andernach, and so to Coblentz. The Emperor and 
Empress had journeyed thither from Munich ; and 
the King was met by the Emperor's barge, filled 
with musicians, and by his falconer, who presented 
the illustrious guest with a live eagle. The friend- 
ship of the German and Flemish Princes was not 
to be had for nothing, however, and the King found 
it necessary to fee them somewhat largely ; but he 
considered the advantages he gained worth the 
money. Sixty thousand crowns purchased the 
Duke of Brabant ; and 3,000 gold florins to the 
Emperor himself induced him to bestow upon the 
King of England the title of Vicar-General and 
Lieutenant of the Empire to the left of the Rhine, 
besides obtaining him the services of 2,000 men-at- 
arms. The scene when the Vicariate was bestowed 
upon Edward in the market-place at Coblentz must 



have been one of great splendour. Two thrones 
were erected, one for the Emperor and the other 
for the King ; and there were present four sove- 
reign dukes, three archbishops, six bishops, thirty- 
seven earls, and 17,000 barons, bannerets, knights 
and squires. The Emperor held the sceptre in his 
right hand and the globe in his left ; and while a 
knight of Almain held a naked sword over his head, 
he openly defied the King of France, proclaiming 
him disloyal, false, and villainous, and declaring 
that he and his adherents had forfeited the protec- 
tion and favour of the Empire. He then presented 
the King with his Imperial Charter, and constituted 
him Vicar-General of the Empire, with full and ab- 
solute power over all on this side as far as Cologne. 
This was about all Edward ever did get from 
the Emperor, but it certainly gave him consider- 
able influence with the other German Princes ; and 
the first use he made of his power was to raise his 
brother-in-law, the Count of Gueldres, to a Duke, 
and to promise an English peerage to the Marquis 
of Juliers, whom four years later he made Earl 
of Cambridge. The situation was also rendered 
clearer, and henceforth friend and foe alike 
must range themselves decisively upon the one 
side or the other. Philip's allies were the Kings 
of Navarre, Scotland, Sicily and John of Bohemia, 
this last the head of the house of Luxembourg, 
and Lewis of Bavaria's unsuccessful rival for the 
elective dignity of Emperor of the Romans. . The 
Pope, too, wrote to Edward, gravely remonstrating 
against his alliance with an Emperor who had been 
excommunicated ; but the Popes of Avignon were 
not as the Popes of Rome, and were held in little 
reverence through Europe as the mere paid servants 



of France. Edward therefore felt satisfied that his 
alliances were well based ; and three days after 
the scene in the market-place, parted from the 
Emperor ; having first handed over his little daughter 
to Duke Otho of Austria, who had been present 
at the ceremony, and with whose household she 
was henceforth to live. Here, however, the child's 
aunt, the Empress Margaret, perhaps instigated by 
letters from her sister Philippa, intervened, and 
begged to be allowed to keep Joan herself till she 
grew a little older, a suggestion to which Duke 
Otho could make no objection ; and accordingly 
the little girl, with her faithful attendant Lord 
John, left Coblentz in the Emperor's train. Phi- 
lippa wrote constantly to her daughter, and sent 
many presents of jewellery during the next year 
both to her sister and her sister's secretary, the 
Lady Ida, with the twofold object of retaining the 
Emperor's friendship for her husband, and ensuring 
kindly treatment for Joan ; but Margaret cannot 
have been so motherly a woman as her sister, for 
the child seems to have been misunderstood and 
neglected, even sometimes not having sufficient to 
eat ; and Philippa's heart must often have ached 
for her little girl during the eighteen months at 
the end of which, by a curious combination of 
circumstances, Joan was again restored to her 
mother's arms. 

Edward meanwhile, on leaving Coblentz, made a 
point of visiting all the chief German "and Flemish 
cities on his side of the Rhine, meeting with 
popularity and recognition wherever he went. At 
Herek, a small town on the frontier of Brabant, 
he called an assembly in the market hall, and 
though the resources of the little place were 



meagre, his dramatic instinct contrived as usual to 
arrange a very imposing spectacle for the people, 
with himself as principal figure. The hall was 
hung with the richest tapestry procurable, and he 
took his seat upon a throne raised five feet from 
the ground, whence, with a crown upon his head, 
he "made laws, dispensed justice, read letters, 
coined money, and received homage". It is true 
the throne was raised on a butcher's block, covered 
with cloth of gold, to make it thus high, but no- 
body except the carpenters knew that, and the 
moral effect seems to have been excellent. Having 
from his own point of view accomplished a good 
deal, Edward determined to defer his actual attack 
on France till the following spring, and on 20 
September, sending the chief part of his troops 
into winter quarters, he returned to Philippa at 

Here, says an old chronicler, they " kept house 
right honourably all the winter, and coined much 
money". Money was indeed at this time a ha- 
rassing necessity to Edward, and throughout the 
winter he borrowed right and left upon every 
possible security. All the crown jewels were in 
pawn for the chief part of his reign, and even the 
Queen's personal jewellery was often pressed into 
service, she willingly renouncing it for the time. 
Her " best " crown was pawned in Cologne this 
winter, and was not redeemed for three years ; 
while an entry of May, 1340, in the King's accounts, 
casts searching light upon some of the shifts to 
which he had been reduced. Payment is assigned 
in it to " Anthony Bache, merchant, in satisfaction 
of 34,000 florins of Florence lent by him for wages 
of men in the King's service in parts beyond the 



seas, and of 25,000 florins of Florence to the Arch- 
bishop of Treves for the King's great crown of gold 
pledged to him, and 5500 florins with the shield 
for Queen Philippa's crown pledged in like manner 
at Cologne, as well as 4256 like florins for a small 
crown pledged in like manner," etc., etc. Writing 
earlier, too, in August, 1339, of the merchants of 
the Society of Bardi, the greatest banking com- 
pany of Italy, the King rather pathetically pro- 
nounces that in consequence of " their services to 
the Crown from times far distant, and of their 
generous offer to render all aid in their power in 
the future, although by this they have lost capital 
and credit and some have even suffered imprison- 
ment, he has taken them under his especial pro- 
tection, and promises them full satisfaction of all 
moneys, etc., binding himself to restore the estate 
and honour of the Society by his bounty. And if 
this be not done in his lifetime, he enjoins Edward 
Duke of Cornwall his first-born son, by his paternal 
benediction, to fulfil this promise." Alas for the 
futility of good intentions ! Five years later, the 
Bardi company failed, Edward owing them a mil- 
lion gold gulden ; to be followed by the bankruptcy 
of the Peruzzi, another great house, to which he 
owed 600,000 florins. 

To Philippa no doubt the most important incident 
of her sojourn at Antwerp was the birth of another 
son, which took place on November 29 at St. 
Michael's Abbey. The child was named Leo or 
Lionel after the lion in the arms of Brabant, as a 
compliment to the people who had welcomed his 
mother so kindly ; and on December 12 record is 
made of a gift from the King of a hundred pounds 
to John de Bures for bringing him the news of his 



son's birth. Lionel's nurse was named Margery de 
Monceux. Philippa's uprising was attended by 
all the chief people of Antwerp, and her own 
minstrel Liberkin, with others, played merrily on 
the occasion ; while on Innocents' Day, 28 Decem- 
ber, the " singing boys " of the cathedral came up to 
her chamber to entertain her and the King with 
their melodies. The child suffering from some 
slight indisposition, she sent for her own old surgeon 
from Hainault to cure him, but he was on the 
whole a strong baby, and grew up to be the tallest 
and handsomest of all Philippa's children, seven 
feet high, and always gentle and courtly. A ten- 
der mother to all her twelve children, one always 
fancies that if she had favourites among them, these 
were Lionel and Joan. Philippa was glad at this 
time to have with her her great friend, the King's 
cousin, Eleanor de Lancaster, who, with her hus- 
band John de Bello Monte, had accompanied the 
royal pair to Brabant ; but immediately after, 
Eleanor finding she was about to become a mother, 
had feared it would be necessary for them to return, 
since no child born out of the realm was allowed to 
succeed to lands within it. Philippa was so loath 
to part with them that she persuaded her husband 
to make a particular exception upon this occasion ; 
and he announced that " since their stay was very 
grateful and desirable on account of their services 
to himself no less than their comfort to Queen 
Philippa," the succession of their child should be 
assured just the same as if he had been bom in 
England. The birth took place a few months later ; 
and some time afterwards a grant of 100 yearly 
for life was made to "the King's kinswoman, 
Eleanor of Lancaster, in consideration of her long 



stay in the company of Queen Philippa, and of her 
charges and labours during that time ". 

Philippa, as was usual wherever she went, made 
hosts of friends in Antwerp : all the ladies there 
admired and loved her, and she never forgot a ser- 
vice, or lost an opportunity of doing a kind action 
or urging her husband to do one. In August we 
find record of a grant made to the Abbot and 
Convent of St. Michael's Abbey, Antwerp, of the 
advowson of a church in Northamptonshire, with 
the comment that it was made " in consideration of 
the long stay which the King and Queen Philippa 
have made in the Abbey, and of the great easements 
which they have had there, as well as of the fact 
that the King's son Lionel has been born there, and 
baptised in the church of the Abbey". She seems 
also to have given material help to the good Abbot's 
house-keeping, since in the same month the King 
issued an order to " provide carriage as required for 
Thomas Spenser, yeoman of Queen Philippa's larder, 
charged by her to bring venison from divers of her 
parks and chaces to London, and send the same 
thence to her in parts beyond the seas," and later 
another mandate orders all sheriffs and other persons 
to " provide the necessary carriage for Queen 
Philippa's three huntsmen appointed by John de 
Monte Gomeri, her steward, to take her venison in 
the present season, and carry the same to divers 
places in her forest, parks, and chaces, to be kept 
for her use". Large quantities of fish were also 
sent over for the English Court at Antwerp, one 
entry running, " Five lasts of red herrings from 
Yarmouth, fifty codfish from Blackheath, and five 
thousand stockfish from Boston ". 

For all her good-nature, however, Philippa would 



not condone insolence and deceit, and when she 
learned that one Roger Mynot had stolen two 
horses worth twenty marks, and was wandering 
about Essex declaring them to be her property and 
demanding maintenance for them in her name, she 
indignantly requested the King to send his " ser- 
jeant" to arrest the thief and deliver him to the 
nearest jail. At a time when every citizen might 
be called upon to provide food, carriage, or aid for 
any person on the business of the King and Queen, 
such frauds were constant, and instructions are 
continually being given to "arrest all those who 
falsely represent themselves to be purveyors to the 
King, Queen Philippa, or their children when they 
are not, and take things and victuals from the 
people of England and convert them to their own 
use ". When Philippa returned to England, many 
a case was fought on her behalf against certain 
bold poachers who had broken into her parks, 
fished in her fisheries, hunted her deer, felled her 
trees, carried away royal goods and wreck of sea, 
conies, pheasants, and partridges from her warrens, 
trod down and depastured her grass and crops, and 
assaulted her servants, "whereby she lost their 
services for a great while". Several chroniclers 
have declared that the Queen visited England in 
the autumn of 1339, and took the baby Lionel 
with her, but there is no official mention of such a 
journey ; and it seems evident that on the contrary 
the English Court remained at Antwerp for the 
whole of that year, with short moves to Brussels, 
Louvain, and Ghent, Edward finding the conquest 
of France and the manipulation of his foreign allies 
not so easy a matter as he had hoped. Certain of 
the States had scruples against aiding him, since 



the King of France was legally at least their liege 
lord ; and these, by the advice of shrewd old Jacob 
von Arteveldt, he reassured by the calm expedient 
of announcing himself to be the rightful King of 
France, quartering the French and English arms 
together on his shield, and speaking henceforth of 
Philip merely as the Duke of Valois. The lilies of 
France thus adopted remained on the shield of 
England till the reign of George III, when they 
were removed, but the motto Edward took at the 
same time, Dieu et mm Droit, is still a matter for 
national pride, notwithstanding the doubtful cause 
in which it was first used. At last, in September, 
the English troops marched to meet Philip at 
Cambrai. Supplies were now falling so low that 
it was a matter of urgency with Edward to fight 
his battle at once, and though for some time 
Philip seemed unwilling to move, a promise was 
at last wrung from him to meet his enemy on 22 
October. Before that date arrived, however, King 
Eobert of Naples, who dabbled much in astrology 
and had cast the nativities of both opponents, 
wrote warning him earnestly never to encounter 
the King of England personally in battle, since 
disaster would immediately overwhelm him ; and 
Philip, an intensely superstitious man, promptly 
retreated from his position ; while Edward, deeply 
disappointed, was obliged to return to Antwerp. 

In December the young Duke of Cornwall, now 
in his tenth year, joined his parents abroad ; and it 
is reported of him that in spite of his youth, he was 
so tall and handsome that the ladies cast eyes at 
him as if he had been sixteen. He was already a 
daring rider and an accomplished swordsman, and 
Philippa must indeed have clung to her latest baby 

113 8 


when she realized how rapidly her children were 
growing up. Edward was now again so harassed 
for supplies that, in spite of a promise to the Duke 
of Brabant not to leave the Low Countries till the 
war was ended, he found himself obliged to visit 
England in February, 1340, in order to induce his 
faithful Commons to make him fresh grants. He 
left his two sons and his Queen, who was shortly 
expecting another child, as pledges of his good 
faith, only first removing them to the Abbey of St. 
Bavon at Ghent for greater safety. He sailed for 
England on February 20, and Philippa gave birth 
to another son in March, " a lovely and lively boy," 
say the chroniclers. The child was christened John, 
had old Jacob von Arteveldt for a godfather, and 
was known henceforth as John of Ghent, or Gaunt 
as the English pronounced it, a very notable name 
in the annals of English history. Years after 
Philippa's death, when this same John, then Duke 
of Lancaster, had, by his great influence over his 
almost senile father, made himself dreaded and 
unpopular of the people, a wild rumour arose that 
the Queen on her death-bed had made confession 
to the Bishop of Winchester (William of Wyke- 
ham), that the Duke was no child of hers or of the 
King's at all : that she had borne a daughter at 
Ghent who had died within a few days, and fearing 
the King's wrath, she had substituted the new-born 
child of a Flemish porter for the royal infant ; but 
she charged the Bishop, if ever this man seemed 
likely to succeed to the Crown of England, to make 
these facts public. The absurdity of such a story 
on the face of it would, one should imagine, have 
prevented it gaining any credence ; but in those evil 



days after the good Queen's death, men believed 
many wild things. It was probably invented as 
much to spite William of Wykeham, who strenuously 
denied having set it afoot, as to shake the Duke's 
own position ; and it shortly died a natural death : 
but if arguments were wanted to confute it, John 
of Gaunt's particularly Plantagenet appearance, 
Philippa's own frank and fearless character, her 
hatred of deceit, and the facts that she had already 
lost one son, and now had four children living, so 
that the death of one little girl could have been no 
such overwhelming disaster, seem fully sufficient 
to demonstrate its entire untruth. 

Shortly after John's birth, Edward made a further 
" Assignment to Queen Philippa, who had been put 
to such heavy charges in her stay beyond the seas, 
as well while the King was there as since his return 
to England, that the rents assigned to her chamber 
are not sufficient to meet them ; of 2000 marks as 
a gift from the King ". Almost at the same time, a 
son was born to Von Arteveldt, to whom Philippa 
in her turn stood godmother, giving him her own 
name. Jacob von Arteveldt was not, as is gener- 
ally supposed, a brewer only, but a man of good 
family who had joined the Brewers' Company, much 
as any eminent personage to-day might become a 
member of the Worshipful Company of Fishmongers 
or Grocers. He was also a man of strong and 
rather noble character, who had risen by natural 
merit to the leadership of his fellows ; nor was 
Philippa's godchild, Philip von Arteveldt, destined 
to bear an undistinguished name in history. Von 
Arteveldt's wife, Catherine of Courtrai, became a 
friend too to the young Queen of England, and 



many " Lords, Ladyes, and damoselles of Ghent " 
visited the illustrious stranger during her stay. 
Her uncle Philip of France did his best to annoy 
her by skirmishes as near Ghent as he dared come, 
and by an unfortunate result of one of these, 
Edward's early friend the Earl of Salisbury was 
borne away a prisoner to Paris. But on the whole 
Philippa seems to have been safe enough with her 
Flemish friends, though they on their part felt 
anxiously their responsibility and frequently wrote 
urging Edward to a speedy return. 

The proposed treaty of marriage meanwhile be- 
tween the Lady Isabella and the eldest son of the 
Count of Flanders was from time to time urgently 
pressed " for perpetual alliance and mutual aid " ; 
and in the autumn of 1339, the Emperor Lewis vacil- 
lating towards France and the news of Joan being 
very unsatisfactory, Edward wrote to her guardian 
Lord John de Montegomery, bidding him remove her 
from her aunt's Court and take her as formerly 
arranged to that of Duke Otho. He sent money for 
her to give handsome largess to the towns through 
which she passed and over which she was one day to 
reign ; and all was accomplished as he wished ; she 
reached the Austrian Court and made the acquaint- 
ance of the young prince Frederick, her allotted 
bridegroom. Shortly after this, Duke Otho died, 
and the children were left in the charge of his 
brother Albert, a man of strongly pronounced 
French tendencies, whom Edward disliked ex- 
tremely. He suddenly changed his mind, therefore, 
declared that Joan should not wed an Austrian 
after all, and sent curt orders for her immediate 
return. Duke Albert expostulated, but there was 



no help for it, and the little girl, herself extremely 
delighted, started for home in April, 1340, travelling 
in great state with two chariots and twelve horses, 
the entire expedition costing 132. 10s. Joan was 
destined to make two wedding journeys in her 
life, and never to be married after all ; but young 
Frederick of Austria died soon after her return, so 
she would not in any case have married him. She 
went straight to her mother at Ghent, and it is not 
difficult to imagine Philippa's joy in once more 
clasping her little daughter to her kind and tender 

The children were all now together at Ghent 
with the exception of Isabella, who remained in 
lonely glory at the Tower of London, and so much 
disliked her situation that she persuaded her father, 
much against his better judgment, to take her out 
with him when he returned to the Continent in 
June. Edward systematically spoilt his eldest 
daughter from the day of her birth to the end of 
her life, and never could refuse her anything, 
encouraging in her a love of caprice and a reckless 
extravagance which both of them must in latter 
days have deeply deplored. No more foolhardy pro- 
ject could have been devised just now, when it was 
known that Philip had gathered a great fleet and 
patrolled the coast, intending to prevent Edward 
from landing in Flanders ; but the King had given 
his word, and the little Princess, with a great com- 
pany of " Countesses, ladyes, knightes wives, and 
other damoselles," embarked on her father's ship 
on June 22. Three hundred men-at-arms and 500 
archers were bidden devote themselves entirely to 
defending the ladies ; and certainly defence was 



needed, for the French fleet appeared off Blanken- 
berg two days later, and though the English had 
but 200 ships, they sailed straight for the enemy, 
grappled with them immediately, and fought furi- 
ously for the whole of that long hot midsummer 
day. The French filled their ships with " trumpets 
and other warlike instruments," says Froissart ; 
and he concludes that " the battle was very murder- 
ous and horrible ". Little eight-year-old Isabella, 
below in her cabin, must have many a time repented 
her obstinacy and wished she had not come ; but 
Edward was never so much at his best as in a fight, 
and both soldier and sailor stood amazed on this 
occasion no less at his energy and valour than at 
his wisdom and naval knowledge. The result of the 
encounter was a crushing defeat for France. No 
ordinary battle could have had such an exhilarating 
effect upon the English ; they had long endeavoured 
to meet their foes without success, and now that 
the first engagement had been fought, and so signal 
a victory gained against such heavy odds, they felt 
themselves well-nigh invincible on sea or land. 

The following day the King and his train landed, 
and paid a pious pilgrimage of gratitude to Our 
Lady of Ardenberg, where "the King dyned, and 
then tooke his horse and roade to Ghent, where the 
Queen recuyed him wyth great joye, and all his 
cariage came after by little and little ". Thus 
Isabella rejoined her sister and brothers, and 
Edward made acquaintance with his youngest son 
John ; but Philippa shook her head at Isabella's 
advent, pointing out the unwisdom for them all 
and the injustice to the English people in thus re- 
moving the whole royal family abroad for an in- 


definite period. Edward could not deny the good 
sense of her contention. He and his eldest son 
must of course remain, and Philippa herself would 
not leave either him or her two youngest children : 
but the little girls could be of no use in the tur- 
moil of a camp, and were besides at an age when 
a settled home and some sort of education were 
essential to them. Isabella would not be so lonely 
with her sister's companionship ; and in the end the 
two Princesses were sent back early in August 
to the Tower of London under the care of Lady 
de la Mote. Their journey cost 57. 14s. 2d. ; and 
from the Wardrobe Kolls of the year we are able 
to gather some idea of the life they lived at the 

Joan was now six, and had two damsels in at- 
tendance upon her, but her sister, being two years 
older and Princess Royal, had three. Alexia de la 
Mote, probably a daughter or niece of Lady de la 
Mote, was Isabella's chief damsel, and Lonota de 
Werthyngpole Joan's : they each possessed a chap- 
lain, but shared their chief cook, butlers, valets, 
scullions, etc. They were served on silver dishes 
which were kept in leathern hampers, and they slept 
in a bed covered with green silk and hung with 
green velvet ; green seems to have been a favourite 
colour, for mention is made of two dresses sent 
them by their mother from abroad, robes of green 
cloth cut in the German fashion and edged with fur. 
Fresh dresses were supplied to them for all the 
chief feasts of the Church, and it is especially re- 
corded that they wore " scarlet hosen ". A penny 
a day was doled out to each for their offertories 
in church and they were also encouraged to be 



generous to all their dependents and to any who did 
them service. They had a minstrel of their own, 
Gerard de Gay, to whom they gave a winter coat 
by their own hands in the beginning of November, 
when the days grew cold ; and Isabella also directed 
a winter coat to be bought as a gift from herself to 
her valet de chambre, Thomas de Bastenthwaite, for 
leading her palfrey whenever she rode between 
London and Westminster, which seems to have been 
a favourite excursion. Another expedition earlier 
in the year, finds record in the entry, " To John the 
bargeman and his companion mariners, rowing in 
their boats the Ladies Isabella and Joan with their 
attendants across the Thames, and leading them 
into the gardens ; by their gift with their own 
hands, 17th September, 12/-". Little Joan had 
much more retired tastes than her sister, loved 
needlework and embroidery, and made many gifts 
to be sent to the friends who had been kind to her 
while abroad ; among the accounts occur such 
entries as " 2. 7/2 for gold thread, silk, pearls, and 
other necessaries bought for the Lady Joan and 
delivered in her chamber for divers works going 
on there, to do with them at her pleasure ". The 
people of England felt a personal interest in the 
little Princesses, and many treats and presents were 
devised for them : the Countess of Arundel sent 
her valet from " the parts of Sussex, to bring to the 
King's children four beasts of chace " ; the Bishop 
of Carlisle sent his valet from Horncastle with two 
young hares as a gift to the ladies in the Tower ; 
and whenever they appeared in public they were 
always welcomed and serenaded. Yet neverthe- 
less they were often lonely, and wrote long letters 



in their own hands to "their dearest father and 
mother " (the expression actually occurs thus in the 
list of expenses incurred in delivering the letter) ; 
and King Edward always treated Isabella as the 
head of the family in England, and wrote all instruc- 
tions of importance direct to her. 

It was not, however, so very long before the en- 
tire family met once more. The forces brought out 
by Edward from England in June, added to those 
already in Flanders, formed a splendid army of 
150,000 men, part of which was placed under the 
command of Eobert of Artois ; and an immediate 
move was made on Tournay, which city the Eng- 
lish assaulted with great violence six times a day 
for ten weeks without success. The inhabitants 
were reduced to great straits, and would no doubt 
have capitulated shortly, but Edward was already 
much pushed for, means to continue the siege, when 
a romantic incident suddenly put an end to all 
hostilities for some time. The widowed Countess 
of Hainault had retired on her husband's death to 
a French convent which happened to lie close to 
Touraine, and to her also King Robert of Naples 
had written his warning concerning her brother 
Philip's danger should he encounter her son-in-law 
upon the field. At this time Edward was en- 
deavouring to persuade Philip to settle their dis- 
putes by single combat, certainly the cheapest and 
most expeditious method of doing so ; and Philip 
could think of no better means of refusing than by 
stating that the challenge was addressed to the 
Duke of Valois, and he did not know who that per- 
son might be : but the Countess, known now as the 
Lady Jeanne de Valois, determined to take the 



matter in her own hands, and kneeling first before 
her brother and then before Edward, implored them 
both by all they held sacred to cease this hideous 
warfare. One is surprised to find Edward (Philip 
is more understandable) consenting to a considera- 
tion of terms for peace, but, driven perhaps by his 
financial troubles, he at last did so ; and four nobles 
on either side met, presided over by the Lady 
Jeanne, for three consecutive days in the little 
chapel at Esplocin in the latter part of September. 
Here finally truce was made until the following 24 
June, a truce afterwards prolonged for another 
year; and after two months spent in arranging 
matters in Flanders (chiefly in getting a loan of 
50,000 English marks from Van Arteveldt, for which 
Edward left his cousin the Earl of Derby as hostage 
and security), he and his wife and children took 
ship for home. 

A "horrible tempest" attended them on their 
journey, raised it was supposed by French necro- 
mancers in the hope either of engulfing the Eng- 
lish King in the waves, or so terrifying him that 
he would never dare to cross the Channel again. 
Neither of these objects were achieved, but three 
days were spent on the voyage, and Edward was in 
the blackest of tempers by the time the Tower of 
London was reached, late at night on November 30 ; 
nor did what he found there greatly serve to calm 
him. He had written as usual to his daughter Isa- 
bella to apprise her of his coming, but owing to some 
delay the letter does not seem to have arrived in 
time for this lady of ten years to make adequate pre- 
paration for the emergency. The fact was that the 
children and a few ladies were alone in the Tower ; 





the Constable de la Beche had gone into the City 
on his own affairs, and his subordinates had taken 
the law into their own hands and absented them- 
selves also. It has been facetiously suggested that 
the King's demeanour on this occasion was the 
origin of the term " a towering rage," and certainly it 
very adequately describes his state of mind at the 
moment ; nor can the home-coming have proved a 
particularly cheerful one for Philippa, who, straight 
from the terrors of the storm, was obliged to set 
aside her own fatigues and her longing to embrace 
her daughters in the urgent need to soothe her hus- 
band's fury as she alone could do. Edward's rages 
were violent but soon over : next day he quarrelled 
with the Archbishop of Canterbury and all his 
Ministers, and turned them out of their offices, but 
was quickly appeased : and the same thing happened 
at home. The family spent a happy Christmas to- 
gether, and early in January the King gave a party 
especially for his children, where his own minstrel 
Godelan sang to them ; and the little girls, at their 
father's command, gave him a noble, a new coin re- 
cently struck, bearing the French arms, and worth 
about six and eightpence. According to the re- 
cords, a visit from the physician, Master Philip, 
followed suspiciously close upon these revels, but 
the children do not seem to have been indisposed 
for long. 

A week or so later, Philippa went to stay at 
Langley. Her daughters remained at the Tower, 
but paid her frequent visits, and much enjoyed rid- 
ing through the streets of London to come to her, 
giving alms and receiving blessings as they went. 
Once they stopped for refreshments at the convent 



at Kilburn, and the nuns were overjoyed at the 
honour, and received a handsome donation at their 
departure. In the spring, however, the Princesses 
left the Tower, and went to Stratford for some 




PHILIPPA appears to have been much straitened 
for money just now, in consequence of the immense 
sums she had lent to her husband, as well as per- 
mitting him to pawn her most valuable jewels. 
He was, in fact, " bound to her by bill of the ward- 
robe " for 7375, most of which he paid off by de- 
grees in sacks of wool. Almost all the taxes were 
paid in this commodity, and it was practically as 
legal tender as coin of the realm. In November, 
1340, the Queen received a hundred sacks from 
Shropshire by the King's clerk for the expenses of 
her household ; and the following April obtained 
permission for William and Dolfin Pouche, her 
merchants and attorneys, and their servants, to 
take 230 sacks to the Port of London and send 
them abroad in discharge of certain sums she owed 
there. All these debts, one is glad to notice, she 
paid off as soon as she could. A year later, more 
sacks were sent, " for deliverance of divers jewels 
pledged by Queen Philippa beyond seas " ; and at 
the same time Edward paid her fifty more sacks in 
part satisfaction of his debts, and yet again more 
wool in "part payment" to John de Portenare, 
who had advanced 2500 to redeem her two crowns 
and certain other valuables. 

One of Philippa's most distinguished claims to 



the grateful remembrance of a later age lies in her 
early patronage of Queen's College, Oxford. Some 
historians have endeavoured to detract from the 
importance of her share in this because she did not 
herself found the college ; but it was founded in 
her honour and by her chaplain, Robert de Egles- 
fi eld ; and from the first she fell with ardour into 
the scheme, and did all possible to her to further 
the glory and stability of the foundation. Both 
she and Edward were, for their age, great patrons 
of literature, and certain of their children became 
famous in the world of learning. Philippa wrote 
her own business letters in French with, says War- 
ton, " great propriety " ; and later in life she is 
famed for her protection of Froissart and Chaucer ; 
while the King, though scarcely to be described as 
a scholar and student, had imbibed from his tutor, 
the witty cleric Aungerville, an immense interest 
in letters, could speak or at least understand five 
languages, Latin, English, French, Spanish, and 
German ; and whenever his active life allowed him 
time enjoyed the reading of some rare book of 
chivalrous tales. As early as 1335, an entry of a 
hundred marks appears in his accounts to Isabella 
de Lancaster, the nun at Ambresbury, " for a book 
of romance purchased from her for the King's use, 
which remains in the chamber of the Lord the 
King". Thus when, in the beginning of 1341, his 
wife broached to him her desire of furthering her 
chaplain's wish, he at once agreed, and on January 
18 recorded a "License to Robert de Eglesfield, 
King's clerk, to found a hall of scholars, chaplains 
and others, in the parish of St. Peter in the East, 
Oxford, to be called Queen's Hall ". 

Eglesfield had been making quiet preparations 



for this event for some time, buying certain houses 
as they fell vacant ; and he now set to work to 
build the hall and form the rules under which it 
was to be governed. There were to be a Provost, 
twelve Fellows, and seventy poor young men " to 
be nursed up and educated in good arts and 
sciences," and to supply the Fellows' places when 
they became void ; the preference of choice how- 
ever was always to be given to Cumberland men, 
since Eglesfield was a son of that county himself. 
The dominant dramatic sense of the period creeps 
out in the arrangement that trumpets were to 
summon the household to refection, at which the 
Fellows were to be seated in scarlet robes at one 
side of the table and the seventy poor scholars to 
kneel humbly opposite them ; but the founder died 
before this was incorporated in the rules of the 
college, and the Fellows soon grew tired of donning 
their scarlet robes at every meal. One curious 
custom, however, was longer lived the presentation 
of a needle and thread in honour of the founder's 
name, Aiguille et Fil, Eglesfield, on every New 
Year's Eve. It was a clever thought of Eglesfield's 
to place his college under the patronage of the 
Queens Consort of England, and many a Queen has 
nobly come to its pecuniary aid during the last five 
centuries. At first the community was exceedingly 
poor, and about a year after foundation, the Pro- 
vost and scholars made humble petition to the 
King, imploring him, " to save his soul," to excuse 
Eglesfield from a debt of nearly 27, since their 
college had nothing to live upon but the proceeds 
of the hamlet of Kavenwyk, which was now de- 
stroyed by the Scots ; and Edward, " considering 
that they are as yet but moderately endowed, and 



considering that their founder and patron is his 
dear consort Philippa, and desiring to partake in 
the pious work of founding such a house," granted 
the petition. 

Philippa herself was much too poor to promise 
any direct pecuniary assistance to her hall ; but she 
bestirred herself to claim for it many a fat advow- 
son, beginning with the church of Burgh, West- 
moreland, of which Eglesfield had been rector ; 
and following with Blechesdon ; and then Newbold 
Pacey, Warwick, which had been held by the Con- 
vent of St. Oswald's, Nostell, " from time whereof 
there is not memory," but which was now at her 
request alienated to Queen's Hall. This appears a 
somewhat high-handed proceeding ; and not less so 
an occasion in April, 1345, when, the King having 
granted the church and mill of Knights Enham, 
Southampton, together with a large piece of land, 
to the Dean and Chapter of Salisbury, the Queen 
heard of it, and since the grant was not yet con- 
firmed, persuaded him to give it to Queen's Hall 
instead. Four years later, she settled an annuity 
of twenty marks upon it, to be paid by her re- 
ceiver of the Richmond estates ; and this, with her 
interest and her prayers, seems the utmost she 
was able to do. 

In June, 1341, while staying at Langley, Philippa 
gave birth to another son, Edmund ; one who also 
grew up tall and handsome : " Sir Edmund Langeley, 
full of gentlenesse," Hardyng describes him. He 
had the same nurse as his elder brother Edward, 
Joan of Oxenford, and the same bersatrix, Maud 
or Matilda de Plympton. Edward could not re- 
main long with his wife on this occasion, as multi- 
tudinous affairs were already pressing upon him. 



He found it advisable to prolong the truce with 
France to the end of August ; for his foreign allies 
were proving shifty, and in none of them but Von 
Arteveldt could he place any solid faith. The 
Earls of Hainault and Namur would help him 
across the Rhine, but both refused to cross the 
French border ; while the Emperor Lewis, after 
various vacillations, now at last decided upon re- 
conciliation with the Pope and consequently with 
France, and, as a natural result, revoked the Vica- 
riate so pompously bestowed upon the King of 
England three years before. The grant had never 
done Edward much more good than its revocation 
was likely to do him harm, but the circumstance 
was annoying ; and to it fate added a recrudescence 
of the Scottish troubles. Baliol, grown feebler 
than ever, was turned out of the country ; and 
Edward hastened north to check as he best might 
the ebullitions of his brother-in-law's subjects ; but 
one only incident of the campaign particularly 
concerns us. It will be remembered that Edward's 
friend, William Montacute, Earl of Salisbury, had 
been made castellan of Wark Castle and had sub- 
sequently been taken prisoner by the French ; but 
the women of this day were ever ready to step into 
the places of their absent lords, and Katherine 
Grandison, Salisbury's Countess, with her fourteen- 
year-old son, held the castle manfully against a 
fierce attack of the Scots. Sorely pressed at last, 
the young man escaped from the besieged fortress, 
and reaching Edward's camp at Berwick, urgently 
begged for assistance, which was instantly accorded. 
The King marched on Wark, the Scots fled before 
him, and the valiant Countess entertained her sove- 
reign that night as a guest. 

129 9 


The tale of Edward's immediate subjugation by 
her beauty, and of her virtuous and triumphant 
baffling of his advances has been told times without 
number, and unquestionably holds some foundation 
in fact ; there seems, however, a doubt whether it 
was indeed the Countess Katherine who inspired 
this passion, or her presumptive daughter-in-law, 
the beautiful Joan of Kent, daughter of Edward's 
uncle of Kent, who had been so wickedly hounded 
to death long before by Isabella and Mortimer. 
Joan had been betrothed in early childhood to 
Salisbury's son, and as usual in such cases, was 
brought up by his parents, so there is little doubt 
that she was in Wark Castle at the time. It is 
true she was not yet Countess of Salisbury, nor, as 
affairs turned out, ever became so ; but confusion 
in the matter might easily have arisen. One his- 
torian, as a final clinching of the matter, asserts 
that it is impossible Edward could have fallen in 
love with the elder Countess, as she was at this time 
" advanced in years " ; her age being exactly thirty- 
two. The King was thirty, and so far as that goes one 
may imagine the circumstance to have been rather in 
her favour. Froissart, too, takes for granted that 
Katherine was meant, and gives long and detailed 
reports of her interviews with the King : it is true 
also that immediately after this supposed incident, 
Edward ransomed the Earl of Salisbury and loaded 
him with fresh favours and invitations to bring his 
wife to Court. Nevertheless, though it is exceed- 
ingly difficult to arrive at a just decision concerning 
the claims of the rival ladies, it is quite possible 
that Joan may have been the real heroine of the 
tale. Ultimately, after her brother's death, she be- 
came Countess of Kent in her own right and sole 



heir of the line, and some chroniclers have supposed 
her to have already occupied the position at this 
date, thus accounting for the combination of the 
" Fair Countess " and Wark Castle : but her brother 
did not die for nearly ten years after this. Her 
charm, however, appears always to have been extra- 
ordinary. She was known as the Fair Maid of 
Kent, and wherever she went, men of all ranks for- 
got pride, love, ambition and even honour in the 
glory of her beauty and the frantic desire to win her 
favour. Her character unfortunately did not equal 
this charm : for she is described as selfish, shal- 
low, cruel, mean, capricious and indiscreet : but she 
had good reason, if she it was, for resolutely de- 
clining the King's attentions. Although nominally 
betrothed to the son of Salisbury, she had always 
wielded immense influence over her young cousin 
the Duke of Cornwall, and in spite of the fact that 
she was sixteen and he only eleven, she confidently 
hoped he might one day marry her and make her 
the prospective Queen of England. Edward was 
therefore obliged to leave Wark amazed at the 
firmness and virtue of so fair a woman, and to re- 
turn to Philippa saved by circumstances rather 
than his own nature from the stain of unfaithful- 
ness towards her. 

A truce with the Scots followed their flight from 
before Wark Castle, and in the following June 
young David Bruce, now eighteen, returned with 
his English wife from the French Court where they 
had resided for the last nine years. The truce 
was prolonged, and for a few months the King and 
Queen of England enjoyed an almost domestic lull, 
concerned only with the affairs of their family 
and their people. As usual, so soon as he had a 



moment to spare, Edward organized several tourna- 
ments of great magnificence, for the men of this 
age were never content without war or its sem- 
blance, and sometimes indeed there was not very 
much difference between the two ; at certain 
jousts held this year at Northampton, for instance, 
several people seem to have been seriously injured. 
Now also the King arranged for the exchange of 
his friend Salisbury, who arrived home from his 
French prison during the summer ; and Queen 
Philippa was shortly after able to welcome her 
brother, the Earl of Hainault, and her uncle, Sir 
John, to the English Court, where splendid festivi- 
ties were held in their honour. At one of these, 
a tournament at Eltham, young Hainault suffered 
some injury to his arm, but it does not appear to 
have been very grave. A notable tournament was 
also given at Norwich, when the King and Queen 
" kept their Court at the Bishop's Palace," visited 
the Flemish weavers, and won golden opinions 
from all ; while early in 1342 at Dunstable, the 
two young Princesses for the first time took their 
places in the royal stand at a great tournament, 
and enjoyed themselves enormously, particularly 
Isabella, who shared all her father's love for 
splendour and display. The robes they wore on 
this occasion had taken eighteen men to make, 
working hard for nine days under John of Cologne, 
the King's armour-bearer : and eleven ounces of 
leaf gold were used upon them ; they must have 
glittered astonishingly. The King himself wore 
a velvet tunic powdered with small saracens of 
gold and silver, and embroidered with trees and 

This same year the little Lord John, not yet 



quite three, was created Earl of Richmond and 
girded with a sword ; while the estates accom- 
panying the title were assigned to the trusteeship 
of Philippa for the maintenance of her five younger 
children, Isabella, Joan, Lionel, John and Edmund. 
Some confusion arises here in consequence of the 
title having formerly appertained to Duke John of 
Brittany, and it was at his death that Edward 
transferred it to his own son ; in November, 1343, 
a gift is recorded to Philippa of all the moneys due 
to "John de Brittania, Earl of Richmond, on the 
day of his death, which should pertain to the King- 
by reason of the sums he was indebted to him on 
that day". A few years later, however, the new 
Duke of Brittany, becoming, as will shortly be 
related, an ally of England, the King revived the 
title in his favour, and since it had also been be- 
stowed on Robert of Artois, there were practically 
for some time three " Richmonds in the field ". 
John of Gaunt was, however, known throughout 
his childhood merely as the Lord John. 

For his elder brother Lionel a more ambitious 
dignity was devised. This boy Edward betrothed 
to the little Elizabeth de Burgh, an orphan a few 
years older than himself, Countess of Ulster in her 
own right, and owner of a good third of all Ireland. 
Married to her, Lionel might easily when he grew 
up be raised to the Kingship of Ireland, for 
Edward laid his matrimonial plans for his chil- 
dren well in advance. The small bride joined the 
royal nursery at Woodstock about this time, but it 
is difficult to say for certain at what period the 
marriage actually took place. Under ordinary cir- 
cumstances, as has already been explained, pro- 
spective wives and husbands were usually brought 



up together from childhood, and when they reached 
a marriageable age (provided their parents had 
not changed their minds in the meanwhile), were 
solemnly married ; but in Lionel's case, perhaps 
because Edward feared lest there should be any 
slip in the matter, the ceremony itself seems actu- 
ally to have been performed. All the references 
to it are, however, very confusing. Thus in May, 
1341, the King records his decision that Elizabeth 
" shall marry Lionel when he is old enough " ; in 
the Wardrobe Book from 1343-5 a gift of twenty 
marks is entered to Liberkin the piper and his com- 
panions for making minstrelsy for the King and 
Queen at the Tower of London at the nuptials of 
the Lord Lionel ; in May, 1346, Philippa is granted 
custody of all the lands in Ireland then in the 
King's hands by reason of the nonage of Elizabeth, 
" to hold till the King's son Lionel, still of tender 
age, who has married Elizabeth, shall be of age to 
rule them himself, or till the King give order for 
the sustenance of the said Lionel and Elizabeth " ; 
in January, 1347, the writs to Ulster are henceforth 
directed to be made out in the name of Lionel, the 
King's son, although by reason of his tender age, 
the custody is granted to his mother ; and yet, a 
year later, Edward gives " to his dearest consort 
Philippa the wardship of the person of Elizabeth de 
Burgh, daughter to the deceased Earl o.f Ulster (slain 
in Ireland), with her lands and lordships, until Lionel 
yet in tender years shall take the said Elizabeth to 
wife". At the same time he speaks formally of 
"the King's daughter Elizabeth, wife to his son 
Lionel," and yet as long after as 1359, the clerk of 
Philippa's chapel was paid a fee of 10 for the 
performance of three marriages, of which the 




daughter of the Earl of Ulster's was one, and the 
other two had certainly only just taken place. 
Probably some sort of religious service was read 
over the children in order to ensure the alliance 
we have seen that this was done in the case of 
Edward's sister Joan and David Bruce and when 
they grew up, a supplementary ceremony took 
place. Edward seems to have been very proud of 
this marriage ; and special patents were made out 
for " Elizabeth de Burgho, the King's kinswoman, 
staying in England," to nominate attorneys, free 
her attendants from compulsory service in the wars, 
etc., while she was still a little girl of nine or ten. 

Queen Philippa must indeed have been a wise 
manager to rule all these various estates granted 
to her children from their earliest minority, and 
Edward showed great sense in placing them in her 
hands. Nor was she the less glad to welcome 
Elizabeth as a new daughter to her heart because 
she had just borne and lost another little girl her- 
self. Blanche of the Tower scarcely opened her 
eyes before death took her : and her history in the 
records is merely that of the expenses of her 
funeral. Her tiny effigy, somewhat defaced, with 
that of a later-born brother, William of Windsor, 
may be seen in the Chapel of St. Edmund at West- 
minster Abbey ; and at this little tomb the sorrow- 
ing mother often afterwards offered alms, jewels, 
and pieces of gold tissue. For all the children who 
lived and loved her, Philippa never forgot the dead 
babies who had gone straight from her arms to 
heaven : and from the death of little Blanche one 
notices immediately a more sober gravity in her 
demeanour, no lack of tenderness to all dependent 
upon her, but an acceptance of middle age, and an 



increased determination to fill her days with work 
and thought for others. Her characteristic Flemish 
motto, Ich wrude muche (I work hard), seems to 
have inspired her greatly about this time, and the 
further sadness brought upon her by the news of 
her mother's death worked a good deal of change 
in Philippa's mind. In a sense Edward may be 
said never to have grown up; he remained more 
or less a boy all his life ; but Philippa's love for 
him, like that of all good and wise women for the 
men who adore them, became more and more pro- 
tective as the years passed on. 

Another possible bridegroom of infant years was 
committed to the Queen's care in the autumn of 
1342 ; a child with a history requiring some explana- 
tion. Arthur III, Duke of Brittany, had left four 
sons, John, Guy, Peter, and John de Montfort. 
John the elder reigned after him, and died in 1341, 
leaving no children. The next two brothers, Guy 
and Peter, were both dead ; so John de Montfort 
took possession of the Duchy. But Guy had left a 
daughter, who was married to Charles of Blois, a 
nephew of Philip of France, and Charles in his 
wife's name claimed the Duchy. Philip summoned 
both disputants to Paris to abide his decision, but 
John, feeling certain he would give it in favour of 
Charles, hurried first secretly to England, recog- 
nized Edward as King of France, paid him homage 
for the Duchy, received a promise of assistance, 
and returned to Paris. Philip did what was ex- 
pected of him, and John pretended to take to his 
bed, gave out that he was sick and could see no 
one, and then, disguised as a tradesman, got out of 
France with four followers, and hastened imme- 
diately to Nantes to give battle to his rival. In 



almost the first engagement he was taken prisoner 
and sent to Paris ; and Charles considered the 
Duchy won ; but he had not reckoned with Mont- 
fort's Countess Joan, sister of the Count of 
Flanders, a woman whom "no adversity could 
crush " : " with the courage of a man and the 
heart of a lion," says Froissart. This martial lady 
rode to Rennes, held up her infant son before the 
soldiers, and exclaimed : " Be not afraid nor amazed 
for my lord whom we have lost. He was but a 
single man : see here my little son, who please God 
will be his restorer and who will do you much 
service ! " Her words evoked great enthusiasm, 
and through the winter she seems to have been left 
unmolested in Rennes, one of the three chief cities 
of Brittany, the other two being Vannes and Nantes. 
With spring, however, a great French army ap- 
peared ; and in spite of prodigies of valour per- 
formed by the Countess and her small band of fol- 
lowers, Rennes fell ; and she herself was closely 
besieged in her castle at Hennebon. Now, bethink- 
ing her of King Edward's promise of assistance, 
she dispatched her trusty Sir Amauric de Clisson 
to England in March, imploring help, and offering 
an alliance between her baby son and one of 
Edward's daughters. 

One wonders why Edward, already burdened with 
two great wars, should have allowed himself to be 
entangled in a fresh dispute, but he seems literally 
to have been unable to resist the offer of a fight 
from any quarter. In this case, oddly enough, he 
was taking arms against the principle for which in 
his own person he had so fiercely contended, that 
a man might inherit through a woman rights or 
properties which' she herself could not hold. In 



justice to his sense of chivalry, however, it should 
be pointed out that he had not waited for Clisson's 
advent to prepare for Lady Montf ort's help ; as 
early as February he had been collecting ships, and 
Sir Amauric was dispatched back again almost im- 
mediately with 3000 or 4000 of the best bowmen 
in England under the command of Sir Walter 
Manny, whom, said the King, " he loved much, for 
he had well and loyally served him in many peril- 
ous deeds ". Manny and Clisson were met with 
terrible storms, and spent sixty days at sea : it 
was the end of May before the coast of Brittany 
was reached. The Countess of Montfort was by 
now in despair. Hennebon was hard pressed ; 
her nobles insisted she must surrender ; in spite of 
gallant sallies and energetic appeals, it seemed im- 
possible to hold out another day ; and messengers 
were actually on the point of being dispatched 
to the French camp with notice of capitulation, 
when the gallant woman ascended her watch-tower 
for the last time to look out over the sea. There, 
low on the horizon, fluttered the sails for which 
she longed. "I see the succour I have so long 
desired ! " she cried. " I see the ships ! They are 
coming ! " The English forces landed, the Coun- 
tess was relieved, and Froissart says : "It was 
good to see how she came down from the castle 
to meet them, and with a most cheerful counte- 
nance kissed Master Walter Manny and his com- 
panions one after the other two or three times, for 
this was a valiant dame ". 

Several of the chroniclers assert that so soon 
as Hennebon was relieved, the Countess herself 
crossed to England, and left her little son in the 
guardianship of the King and Queen ; but others 



maintain that he was sent earlier with Sir Amauric 
de Clisson. In any case the child was received 
some time in the summer of 1342, and joined the 
English royal children in their games and education : 
Philippa's nurseries were always full and always 
happy. Little Montf ort was a good deal younger 
than the only two English Princesses, who were 
also at this time both half-betrothed, Isabella to 
the son of the Count of Flanders, and Joan to 
Pedro, son of the King of Castille ; but Edward was 
by now so prepared for a certain amount of leakage 
in the matrimonial engagements of his children, 
that he was loath to decline fresh advances from any 
quarter, however little advantageous they might ap- 
pear at the moment. Lionel's future was already 
settled, and the King now became increasingly 
anxious to form an alliance between his eldest son 
and the Princess Margaret of Brabant alas for 
the hopes of fair Joan of Kent ! The Pope was 
urgently applied to from time to time to furnish a 
dispensation for this marriage, but probably guided 
by hints from Brabant that he had far sooner marry 
his daughter to young Flanders, Isabella's prospec- 
tive husband, the dispensation was continually post- 
poned till Edward at last rather irrelevantly quoted 
the text " Knock and it shall be opened to you " 
as an excuse for his constant reminders. Not even 
this, however, proved efficacious. 

If Lady de Montfort did indeed visit England this 
summer, she can have stayed but a very short time. 
In July Count Robert of Artois and the Earl of 
Salisbury, but lately returned from his French 
prison, sailed for Brittany with forty ships ; and she, 
says Froissart, accompanied them. Off Guernsey 
they were attacked by the French fleet, and the 



Countess again distinguished herself, " with a trusty 
sharp sword in her hand" ; but darkness separated 
the combatants, and Brittany was safely reached. 
This was Robert of Artois' last campaign. He fell 
seriously wounded at the siege of Vannes, was 
taken back to England, and died a few months later 
in great agony : a curious character, never playing 
a prominent part in European history himself, but 
always wielding the most powerful influence behind 
the scenes. Edward's regard for him was strong 
and almost inexplicable, for he seems fully to have 
realized the unstable nature of the man's judg- 
ment, yet in many cases suffered himself to be 
guided by it, and undoubtedly felt his death deeply. 
Froissart says of him that he was " courteous, cour- 
ageous, and gallant, and of the first blood in the 
world. He was buried in London in the church of 
St. Paul, and the King swore he would never rest 
till he had revenged his death." Edward did indeed 
cross to Brittany in October, but does not seem to 
have effected much, and early in 1343 made truce 
till Michaelmas, and returned to England. 

Philippa was at the Tower of London when he 
returned in March, and they left to spend their 
Easter together at the charming retreat of Haver- 
ing atte Bower in Essex. Havering had been a 
royal park since the days of Edward the Confessor, 
when it was supposed to have received its name 
from the miraculous gift of a ring brought to the 
saintly King from St. John by angels disguised as 
pilgrims. Philippa had land here of her own, and 
we find record on several occasions that she had 
given or let part of it to persons who had done her 
some service ; she must have been a kind mistress, 
since her damsels of the chamber were constantly 



in receipt of some mark of her favour. Certain of 
these gifts are very quaintly bestowed, as when the 
Abbot and Convent of Selby were requested by the 
King to grant for life a fitting sustenance to Emma 
Priour, damsel to the Queen, and assured that this 
should not prejudice their house as a precedent ; 
or when Joan de Carrue, another damsel, got six 
tuns of wine yearly for life out of the prizes taken 
in wines at the port of Bristol ; or Alice de Beding- 
feld, yet another, " in return for her long services," 
was to receive 20 and a tun of Gascon wine yearly 
for life, the latter to be claimed from the King's 
butler in London. Prize wines were, however, a 
favourite method of paying off claims, and we find 
them mentioned in many cases : the Abbot and 
Convent of Coggeshall and their successors were 
to receive a tun of red wine every Easter from the 
King's butler in consideration of their promise to 
find a monk who should daily read a service for 
the safety of the King, Queen, and their children 
so long as they were alive, and for their souls after 
death : while a grant of three tuns yearly for life of 
the prize wines in the ports of Southampton and 
Bristol was made to the King's kinswoman, Isa- 
bella de Lancaster, the nun of Ambresbury. 
Sometimes Philippa let lands or farms to her de- 
pendents for such pretty fanciful rents as " a rose 
at mid-summer " or " a pair of hareskin gloves at 
Christmas " ; while to the Prior and Canons of St. 
Margaret's by Marlebergh she gave a barton, the 
rents and services of two tenants, six hens, two 
cocks, common for pasture for a hundred swine, 
and the use of her sty for the same in Savernake 
forest all the year round, with the exception of 
" fence month," and her lawns not to be used : in 



recompense for which she was to have a prize of 
the ale called toltestre out of every brewing they 
brewed. More often her people obtained land 
forfeited by traitors, which the King had given his 
wife ; or the fat pickings to be made out of the 
custody of an heirship during a long minority, 
with the bestowal of the heir in marriage at the 
end of it. This was a very favourite method of 
recompensing services, since the marriage of all 
minors or widows was a perquisite of the Crown : 
and it is not at all uncommon to find in the Patent 
Rolls such entries as the following " To William 
Fitz Waryn ' le frere,' for long and great services 
to the King and Queen Philippa, grant of the 
marriage of Elizabeth, late the wife of William 
Latymer, if she will marry him, and if not, of what 
pertains to the King of such marriage, fine or for- 
feiture ". 

On May 12, Edward held a Parliament again, 
its first business being one of some sentimental 
import to Philippa. Her eldest son was created 
Prince of Wales, and invested with a ring, a gold 
coronet, and a silver wand ; but not yet knighted, 
for an excellent reason, since in two years' time 
the King could claim a certain tax or " state aid " 
from all knights and baronets on the knighting of 
his eldest son at the age of fifteen, and this was an 
advantage he could not afford to forego. In Oc- 
tober, both King and Queen sorrowed with their 
sister Eleanor in the sudden death of the Duke of 
Gueldres, who was killed by a fall from his horse. 
Eleanor had lived very happily with her husband 
till the previous year, when an odd story is related 
concerning her. It was noticed that her com- 
plexion grew discoloured, a red flush spread over 



her face, no doubt owing to some temporary skin 
affection, but instantly the terrified whisper spread 
about the Court of leprosy, that scourge dreaded 
through all Europe for centuries after the Crusades. 
The Duke said nothing to his wife, but quietly 
separated himself from her, appointing different 
rooms, but apparently leaving his two little sons in 
her company without fear. Eleanor, always gentle 
and meek, having been thoroughly cowed by her 
mother in childhood, bore the humiliation in silence 
for some months, until she heard that her husband 
intended to pray the Pope to dissolve the marriage : 
but this was too much to endure without expostu- 
lation. The temporary disfigurement had already 
passed ; and one day, in spite of the Duke's orders, 
she took her two children by the hand, forced her 
way into his presence, and falling on her knees be- 
fore him, uncovered the fairness of her face and 
neck, and implored him to renew his love and not 
thus cruelly cast her aside. The Duke was much 
moved, embraced and raised her, and restored her 
immediately to her former honourable position ; 
after which they lived for a year in their wonted 
happiness, and he was then suddenly killed. The 
poor Duchess got but little comfort from her chil- 
dren. They grew up to quarrel violently with one 
another, and rob their mother of her dower : and 
she died at the age of thirty-seven in great poverty. 
Afterwards the younger son murdered the elder, 
and himself died very shortly, so that the Duchy 
reverted to Gueldres' eldest daughter by his first 

Edward's delight in pageants and tournaments 
never slept all the while he dwelt in his own land ; 
and what the King loved the people liked, so this 



form of amusement did not often lack. Some 
jousts given in Smithfield at Midsummer, 1343, by 
Lord Robert Mozeley, are remarkable as instancing 
the strong feeling throughout England against the 
power of Rome : knights representing the Pope and 
twelve Cardinals offered to hold the Lists for three 
days against all comers, and the Prince of Wales 
and his chief friends were their opponents. Holin- 
shed does not relate who were the victors, but since 
the Prince was only thirteen, it would not be sur- 
prising to learn that the Pope's party won. But all 
such small affairs paled in the glory of the magnifi- 
cent tournament which Edward himself announced 
to be held at Windsor early in the year 1344. Many 
people have confused this with the foundation of the 
Order of the Garter, which did not take place till 
four years later, but there is little doubt that in this 
first assembly lay the germ of that destined later to 
be the glory and honour of all England. A great 
cult of Arthurian tradition influenced the country at 
this time, and in accordance with it Edward named 
his tournament a Round Table, at which the Queen 
and 300 of the fairest ladies of England should 
be present, and to which knights from every 
part of the world were bidden, and safe-conducts 
made out for them for fifteen days, from the 
Monday after the feast of St. Hilary to the octave 
of the feast of the Purification. During this time 
no English knight or man-at-arms might leave the 
kingdom without special permission. The tourna- 
ment was an immense success, and Edward himself 
shone resplendent in a " red velvet robe furred and 
purfled," while the Queen, her daughters and ladies, 
smiled and glittered in raiment of all colours from 
their gallery above the throng. Directly all was 



over, the King gave orders to his carpenters to 
build him " a house called a Round Table," 200 
feet in diameter, in which 200 people could dine, 
so that next time the jousts were held they might 
prove still more magnificent : and for this pur- 
pose the great Round Tower at Windsor was 
erected. Henry of Lancaster, Earl of Derby, 
the King's cousin, distinguished himself valiantly 
upon this occasion, and on February 10 Edward 
issued letters patent commanding that certain 
" hasilitudes " or jousts were to be held every year 
at Lincoln on the Monday after St. John the Bap- 
tist's Day ; that the Earl of Derby was to be the 
captain of them so long as he lived, and after his 
death the knights should choose another captain 
from among their number ; but that if the day 
chosen interfered with the jousts of the Round 
Table (which he intended to hold every year), they 
must choose another day within the month. The 
magnificence of this tournament did not pass how- 
ever without a dash of gloom. In the m16e the 
King's old friend Sir William Montacute, Earl 
of Salisbury, husband of the gallant Countess 
Katherine, was, says Holinshed, " so bruised that 
he departed this life, the more was the pitie, within 
eight daies after". His son and successor once 
again endeavoured to persuade the fair Joan of 
Kent to keep her affianced troth ; but still she put 
him off with excuses, although now eighteen, an 
advanced age in those days for a lady and a 
beauty to remain unwed. And still, on his part, 
the Prince of Wales made, or perhaps could make, 
no sign. 

Philip of France was furious when he heard of 
the great tournament at Windsor ; immediately 

145 10 


inaugurated counter jousts of his own, and for- 
bade any of his subjects to approach the King of 
England's Court. Several had, however, already 
started, and Philip's entertainment fell flat, since 
all his best knights were distinguishing themselves 
at Windsor, a circumstance he never forgave. In 
spite of the truce, and the fact that Edward never 
left his dominions all that year, he and Philip 
bickered violently till it was time for them to fight 
again ; but on the whole the year 1344 was a fortu- 
nate one for Edward, and early in it his great crown 
was at last ransomed from pawn. 

On October 10, at Waltham, Queen Philippa 
gave birth to a fourth daughter, who was christened 
Mary, and acclaimed from her birth the affianced 
bride of the little five-year-old heir to the Duchy of 
Brittany. This child's nurse was Joan de Stodeley ; 
and on October 31 Edward made his wife a grant 
of the custody of the temporalities pertaining to 
Westminster Abbey, which lay in his hands since 
the abbot's death, for her to hold till a new abbot 
should be appointed. About a month later, she 
sent her attorney, Thomas de Clogh, to the chancery 
to surrender these letters patent in her name, 
saying she would rather not intermeddle in the 
matter ; so the grant was cancelled, and the cus- 
tody made over to William de Kelleseye, the King's 
clerk ; but she seems later to have resumed it, for 
early in February Kelleseye's authority is revoked, 
and Roger Basent is to "answer to the Queen for 
the temporalities of Westminster Abbey granted 
her by the King". Earlier in the year she had 
made a vow of pilgrimage to certain places abroad, 
but being unable personally to discharge it, ap- 



pointed a proxy to do so in her stead, a proceeding 
apparently regarded as quite valid. 

In the spring of 1345, John de Montfort, the 
rightful Duke of Brittany, escaped from Paris dis- 
guised as a pedlar, hurried to England, repeated 
his homage to Edward, and implored further aid. 
Edward could not promise much but his good-will, 
so, having embraced his son and been permitted by 
Philippa to gaze upon his baby daughter-in-law, 
Duke John returned to Brittany, and joined his 
gallant wife in her campaign. But good luck seems 
never to have attended him, and in September, 1345, 
" Death clenched his teeth, and so he died. God 
pardon him ! This was John the good Breton." 
He left his son to the guardianship of Edward, 
who, immediately the truce was over, appointed 
Sir Nicholas Dagworth to command the forces in 

Meanwhile it was long since the King had seen 
anything of his good friends in Flanders, but 
rumours reached him that the popularity of Jacob 
von Arteveldt was by no means so great as it had 
formerly been. Edward had, however, evolved a 
daring plan, which was no less than the persuasion 
of the Flemings to renounce 'allegiance to their own 
Count, and take his son the Prince of Wales as 
Duke of Flanders ; and in carrying this out he 
counted largely upon Von Arteveldt's influence. 
In January, 1345, he granted a handsome annuity 
to the worthy brewer " for his gratuitous services 
and labours, and the heavy charges he had been 
put to to maintain the King's honour and rights," 
and early in July, the King and Prince, leaving 
little Lord Lionel as nominal "Guardian of the 



realm," sailed for Sluys to develop this rather wild 
scheme. On the deck of Edward's great ship the 
"Catherine," he received Von Arteveldt and the 
other burghers, and made them his proposal ; but it 
was plain from the first that it was not received 
with much favour. The Flemings might be at 
variance with their own sovereign, but they re- 
sented the idea of being saddled with a strange 
and very young prince, and evidently disliked Von 
Arteveldt the more because he championed the 
notion. However, they would say nothing for 
certain at the moment. They must consult their 
fellow-citizens : Edward should receive an answer 
within a month ; and with this he was obliged to 
remain content. But so soon as the matter was 
broached in Ghent, feeling ran high ; and when 
Arteveldt came near, the whisper went, "Here 
comes one who is too much the master". That 
night the great brewer's house was surrounded 
and himself slain ; whereat, says Froissart, Edward 
was " in a mighty passion and sore displeased ". 
It is true he became somewhat mollified when a 
deputation of the burghers, nervously remorseful 
once the deed was done, waited upon him to 
implore his pardon, and suggested once again 
his long-cherished desire of wedding his daughter 
Isabella to their young prince Louis. Louis and 
his father would not willingly consent to it they 
knew, but this obstacle might possibly be overcome 
by force. The scheme was a hazy one : and in any 
case the first plan had failed, so three weeks after 
they had set out, the King and Prince returned 
moodily to England. 

Almost immediately after all this had happened, 



Queen Philippa's only brother, the young Earl 
of Hainault, was killed in Friesland, leaving a 
widow but no children. In this event, the title 
and Earldom passed to his eldest sister Margaret, 
Empress of the Romans, who deputed her uncle, 
the redoubtable Sir John, to govern the country 
for her until she had time to attend to it herself. 
A good part of the property was, however, to be 
divided between the sisters, and this, as proves 
unfortunately not seldom the case in families, seems 
to have led to much dispute and quarrelling. In 
October King Edward sent. Sir John de Levedale, 
Sir William Stury, and Ivo de Clynton, clerk, to 
Sir John of Hainault, Lord of Beaumont, his 
"affinity," to beg his assistance in claiming for the 
King and Queen those lands in Zeeland and else- 
where pertaining to Philippa's inheritance by the 
death of her brother; but apparently the matter 
was not to be so easily settled. In the following 
June Edward gave consent to Theodore, Lord of 
Mount joye and Falkynburgh, acting as arbitrators 
for Philippa and himself against her sisters and 
their husbands in the matter of the inheritance ; 
but still disputes arose, and in the course of the 
negotiations, Sir John, so long a faithful friend to 
England, both in the time of the witch-queen who 
had enchanted his simple youth and in that of her 
gallant son who had recompensed his more solid 
services, was persuaded by his uncle Philip of 
France that Edward intended henceforth to stop 
the pension which had been settled upon him. 
This made him very angry, and without waiting to 
inquire into the story, he "changed his cote" as 
Holinshed expresses it, and left Edward's service 



for ever. The next time we find his name men- 
tioned in history, it is as fighting a losing battle for 
France against England. 

Death was rife this year in royal and distinguished 
circles. Queen Isabella's old friend Adam Orleton 
died, he who was once Bishop of Hereford and 
since, by the Pope's will but against Edward's wish, 
Bishop of Winchester. The King suffered too a 
real loss in the death of his father's cousin, the 
blind old Earl of Lancaster. Lancaster had a great 
and pompous funeral at Leicester, at which the 
King and both the old and young Queens were pre- 
sent ; and strange indeed must Isabella's thoughts 
have been as she emerged at last from her solitude 
to stand beside the grave of the man who had once 
been the staunchest of her supporters in rebellion, 
and later, undeceived, the foremost to accuse her 
paramour of crime and treason. Curiously had 
the waves of that wild storm subsided now, and 
the grandson of Koger Mortimer (he who twenty 
years before had held such fierce dominion over 
her to the destruction of her husband and the 
shame of her son), was now one of that son's most 
trusted knights, and wedded to Philippa of Salis- 
bury, daughter of the man who had taken the old 
traitor prisoner. Old Lancaster left six daughters 
and an only son, Henry, Earl of Derby, known 
familiarly as Col Tort, or Wry Neck, about the 
staunchest friend Edward ever had, and more an 
elder brother to him than a second cousin. This 
Derby, on his father's death, succeeded to the Earl- 
dom of Lancaster, which a few years later was 
raised to a Dukedom, and he thus became the 
second English Duke created, while the King had 
already on his behalf bought back from Philippa 



for 1000 a year the castle and town of Pontefract, 
which was part of her marriage portion, but had 
formerly belonged to the Lancaster family. Henry 
Col Tort had two daughters only, Maud and 
Blanche, both of whom later made distinguished 




ON June 24, 1345, the three years' truce expired ; 
and Edward sailed for France with his eldest son 
and 32,000 men on the last day of the month. 
Lionel remained guardian of the realm, and 
Philippa guardian of Lionel, with the young Earl 
of Kent, brother of the Fair Maid Joan, to help 
her. This young man was married to a niece of 
Philippa's, Elizabeth, daughter of the Marquis of 
Juliers ; and no doubt the Queen accepted his 
help gratefully, for a fifth princess, Margaret, was 
born at Windsor on July 20 ; and she had there- 
fore much to occupy her domestically in addition 
to affairs of state. This child's nurse was named 
Agnes Pore : and Edward, just before he started, 
made his wife a grant of 2000 to be paid her 
within two years for the " charges and expenses of 
the sustenance of the King's children". 

Meanwhile the English landed at Cap la Hogue 
in Normandy on July 12, finding themselves quite 
unexpected by Philip, who had raised an enormous 
army of 100,000 men to meet them at Toulouse, 
leagues and leagues away. The Prince of Wales 
having now reached the age of sixteen, his father's 
first act on landing was to confer the honour of 
knighthood upon him and his young friend the 
Earl of Salisbury, bidding both win their spurs as 



soon as possible. The army then marched without 
meeting any resistance through Barfleur, Cher- 
bourg, and St. Lo to Caen, which was reached on 
the 26th. Here Edward found a paper called the 
"Ordinance of Normandy," setting forth detailed 
plans for the invasion and destruction of England 
as long before as the year 1339, which, although 
the scheme had so plainly proved abortive, set him 
in a most furious passion, and Philippa's quiet 
wisdom not being at hand to dissuade him, he 
had the town sacked in the cruellest manner, and 
marched raging on to Rouen. Still Philip appeared 
paralyzed in Aquitaine, and though the unfortu- 
nate peasants burnt all bridges before the conquer- 
ing army in order to check it as much as possible, 
such measures could not serve to bring about more 
than a very short delay. At Poissy, close to Paris, 
Edward stopped a few days to build a bridge, and 
ravaged the whole country up to the very gates of 
the capital, burning and destroying every suburb ; 
but he now began to find that he had gone too far. 
His daring march, apparently with very little plan, 
had landed him in the heart of the enemy's country ; 
behind him all was blackened and destroyed, be- 
fore him lay a long stretch of river-fed country 
without a bridge to cross, and now suddenly, 
heartened by a new ally, Charles of Luxembourg, 
who had joined him at St. Denis, Philip and his 
huge army made a great swoop to intercept the 
progress of the English. 

Edward hurried straight north to Calais. His 
army was in size so absurdly inferior to Philip's 
that it would have been mere folly to risk a pitched 
battle, unless in particularly favourable circum- 
stances ; and often the French reached the in- 



vader's camp to find fires still burning and tables 
laid but hastily deserted, so close did they follow 
upon the enemy's heels. Every town Edward 
passed he burnt, but gave strict orders to respect 
all abbeys, churches or monasteries : and looking 
back to see the beautiful Abbey of Beauvais flam- 
ing against the sky, his rage broke out again, and 
he had the culprits hanged, although these were 
his own men and there was scant time to spare 
for punishment. 

At last the banks of the Somme were reached, 
and Philip felt he had his foe checkmated ; Edward 
could not possibly cross, and must meet him next 
day upon his own ground. So the French halted 
at Abbeville, well pleased : and meanwhile the 
English found a peasant who told them of the one 
spot where at low tide the river was still fordable, 
and after a small skirmish all passed safely over, 
just as Philip, with tardy information, rushed up to 
find the tide at full once more. With this start 
Edward was enabled to choose his position for the 
battle which could not now be avoided ; and he 
fixed upon the woods surrounding the little village 
of Crecy. Here his army lay on the night before 
Saturday, August 26, and early in the morning 
all were early astir, the King and Prince setting 
an example by beginning the day with prayer. 
During the morning Edward divided his men into 
three companies, placing his son in the foremost, 
with Sir John Chandos, Sir Thomas Holland, and 
all the flower of the army to support him : and 
watching himself from the rear, where he had a 
post of vantage by a windmill. "Then," says 
Holinshed, "he leapt upon a white hobbie," and 
rode round the ranks, encouraging his men before 



returning to his own position. About three in 
the afternoon, the French army appeared, in the 
greatest confusion, all marching together without 
any rank or discipline. Philip was advised not to 
risk a battle till the following day, when his men 
might be rested after their six leagues march ; but 
he insisted on pushing forward at once, and ordered 
his Genoese bowmen to advance. The men were 
exhausted, and had no sooner taken out their bows 
than a short fierce storm broke over them, the 
skies being so dark that it was declared flocks of 
black ravens flew over the field, and an eclipse 
shadowed the earth. Afterwards, the sun burst 
out again, and as Edward had posted his men with 
their backs to it, it shone full into the eyes of the 
opposing force, who could scarcely see where they 
were marching. Nevertheless they proceeded, and 
suddenly all gave vent together to the wild bar- 
baric shout which they usually found struck terror 
to the hearts of their foes. The English, however, 
never moved or stirred ; again the Genoese shouted, 
and still their foes remained silent : a third time, 
accompanied by the pulling of bows, which it was 
now discovered had been rendered quite wet and 
useless by the heavy shower ; and the unhappy 
Genoese, in spite of their noise, stood absolutely 
at the mercy of the English. These now whipped 
out their own bows, kept safe and dry in cases 
till the propitious moment ; and instantly the 
"grey goose feathers" whistled through the air, 
thick and fast, says the chronicler, like storms of 
snow, men falling in every direction before them. 
Philip, fuming in the rear, believed the Genoese 
had played him false, shrieked the command to 
" Kill me those scoundrels ! " and set the field in 



wildest confusion, the French falling upon their 
allies from behind. The blind old King of Bo- 
hemia, asking an explanation of the cries, heard 
what had happened, and in despair demanded to 
be led into the midst of the mele'e that he might 
strike one blow and die ; and had his wish. It 
seemed as if the French rout was complete. 

All was not, however, to be so easily won. The 
French rallied, and at one time the Prince of 
Wales's battalion became so sorely pressed that a 
messenger rode at top speed to the King for rein- 
forcements. Edward, watching from his windmill, 
asked, "Is the Prince then dead or mortally 
wounded ? " and on receiving a negative, replied, 
" Then I will send no help. Let the boy win his 
spurs ; it is his day." This, being reported to young 
Edward, roused a treble valour within him, and 
he fought till the end of the battle as a hero in- 
deed. By sunset the French stood hopelessly de- 
feated. Eleven sovereign princes and eighty lords 
displaying their own banners lay dead : Philip him- 
self was wounded in throat and thigh, and his horse 
slain under him, but it was still with difficulty that 
John of Hainault, his ally for the first time, per- 
suaded him to turn his back upon the stricken field 
and fly. At midnight, loud blows were heard upon 
the gate of the Castle of La Braye. " Who knocks 
at this hour ? " came the cry ; and in answer, 
" Open, Castellan ; 'tis the fortune of France ". 
Philip spent the night here, and next day fled on 
to Amiens. 

Meanwhile King Edward hurried down to the 
field to embrace his gallant son, and this was per- 
haps the proudest and happiest hour of life to both 
of them. The Prince is said on this occasion for 



the first time to have worn a suit of black armour, 
whence ever after he was known as the Black Prince. 
Another very commonly accepted tradition that 
after the battle he took the dead King of Bohemia's 
crest and motto as his own, and thus first introduced 
the Three Feathers ever since known as the Prince 
of Wales's crest, cannot, however, be corroborated. 
John of Bohemia's crest was a vulture sprinkled 
with golden leaves ; and when the Prince did choose 
his Feathers, he took first, and for long after carried, 
two feathers only. Nor were these a " crest " for 
war, but a " badge " for peace ; and as such were 
represented, not only on his own plate, but on 
certain pieces belonging to his mother also. To 
return to the field of Cre'cy, great fires and torches 
were lighted in the English camp that night, and 
hearty thanks given to God for the victory ; though 
merry carousals were at the same time not only 
permitted but encouraged. The following day be- 
lated reinforcements for Philip appeared, and were 
again defeated. The flying French were not pur- 
sued, and some accounts declare that a three days' 
truce was arranged in order that they might bury 
their dead ; and that the King and Prince of Eng- 
land themselves accompanied the mourners when 
the bodies of the King of Bohemia, the Count of 
Flanders (Edward's old enemy, and father of Isa- 
bella's prospective bridegroom), and the other dis- 
tinguished dead were carried to the Abbey of Main- 
tenay. This is not certain, and in any case Edward 
hurried on as soon as possible to Calais, which he 
reached on September 3. Thus was Crecy, "this 
so terrible a bickering," fought ; and, says Graf ton, 
" the English did neither crak nor boast thereof ". 
Edward sat down before Calais and summoned 



the Governor, Sir John de Vienne, to surrender the 
town. This being refused, the English King 
troubled himself little to attack, but built an entire 
town of streets and shops on the marshes between 
Calais and the sea, and devoted all his energies to 
stopping supplies from entering the citadel. He 
ordered from England food and all necessaries to 
be sent out and sold in " Newtown the Bold," as he 
named his erection ; and the French naturally doing 
their best to stop and sink the ships which brought 
them, convoys were dispatched also, as well to 
protect the English vessels as to prevent the French 
from throwing supplies into the beleaguered city ; 
since Edward meant to starve rather than batter 
Calais into subjection. As soon as he was sure 
of this, Sir John de Vienne turned 1700 "useless 
mouths " out of the town. These were the very 
aged, the very young, and the delicate women ; 
and though one can perhaps scarcely blame the 
Governor, for these were cruel times and his first 
duty was to hold the town for the King of 
France, one is rejoiced to learn that 'Edward, instead 
of massacring these unfortunates, as it is certain 
they expected, gave them food and two silver pennies 
apiece, and passed them through his lines in safety. 
But he could not always afford to act thus. Later 
in the autumn, John de Vienne, trading upon his 
former generosity, turned out more people, and this 
time Edward severely left them alone, with the 
result that many died of cold and hunger. 

Philip of France, his chivalry destroyed and his 
army disorganized, in a frantic hope of relieving 
the pressure upon Calais, implored his young ally, 
David of Scotland, to make a counter-attack upon 
the masterless kingdom of England. David, nothing 



loath, swooped south to York, and burned the 
suburbs of the city. Hotfoot the news came to the 
guardian of the realm, little Lord Lionel, to whom it 
conveyed very little, save that he must part from his 
devoted mother for a time. The lords in the north 
had already banded themselves against the invader, 
but Philippa, throwing off now the busy housewife, 
the anxious mother, and the genial Queen, fell back 
upon the recollections of her early married life, when 
for months at a time she and Edward lived in camp ; 
and determined to lead or at any rate to organize her 
army herself. She hurried, says Froissart, to New- 
castle upon Tyne (more probably Durham), where 
the English forces were gathered, and next day 
received a message from David, who had arrived 
with 40,000 men within three miles of the town, to 
the effect that if her men were willing to come forth, 
he would wait and give them battle. That very 
morning he had boasted, as he sprang upon his 
horse, that he would never alight from it till he 
arrived, a conqueror, at the gates of Westminster. 
Philippa, with a very noble composure, though she 
can have known little of the powers either at her 
or his command, instantly replied that his offer was 
accepted, and her barons would meet him in defence 
of the realm for which she stood surety ; but she 
seems, very wisely, to have had no intention of 
mingling in the fight herself. She realized just how 
far a woman, and even a Queen Regent, could help 
her people in such martial matters, and where her 
help would turn to hindrance ; and on October 17, 
her army having assembled during the early morning 
in the Bishop's park at Auckland, she mounted her 
white charger and rode, says Holinshed, " from 
ranke to ranke and incouraged hir people in the 



best manner she could, and that done she departed, 
committing them and their cause to God the giver 
of all victories ". She returned to Durham to pray 
for their success ; and her army marched on, carry- 
ing a huge crucifix in its van surrounded by a forest 
of banners and pennons, to meet David at Neville's 
Cross at nine o'clock in the morning. 

The battle raged from nine till noon, and the 
Scots fought valiantly, but with very little method. 
All ended in their total defeat ; as at Crecy the 
English archers won the day ; and David, who had 
boasted of his conquering ride to London, was 
taken prisoner by a northern squire named John 
Copeland. Copeland is said by some to have been 
the Governor of Roxburgh Castle, but this is not 
certain, and in any case he was a man hitherto of 
no particular distinction. So intolerable was the 
shame of this that the young King fought like a 
demon, two spears hanging in his body, his legs 
almost incurably wounded, his sword beaten out of 
his hand, yet, disdaining capture, he even dashed 
out two of Copeland's teeth with his gauntlet in 
the frantic hope of goading him to sufficient wrath 
to slay him rather than take him alive. But Cope- 
land was too canny, and hurried his prize away to 
his own castle thirty miles distant. To Philippa, at 
her prayers in Durham, came the glorious news of 
victory, and once more she sprang upon her white 
charger and rode out to meet the returning forces. 
Where, however, was her royal prisoner ? Copeland, 
if you please, had carried him away ; and the Queen, 
very naturally a little irritated, sent after him with 
the message that he "had done what was not 
agreeable to her in carrying off her prisoner with- 
out leave ". Having surveyed the battle-field, she 


To face, page 160 FromJohne's " Froissart' 



returned to Durham (or Newcastle, as Froissart 
has it), and next day wrote herself to Copeland, de- 
manding with some hauteur the surrender of his 
prisoner. He replied that his prisoner was his 
prisoner, that Philippa might be sure he would take 
good care of him, but that he owed allegiance to no 
one but his sworn lord King Edward, to whom 
alone he would give David up, but to no woman or 
child in the world. 

A good many women, particularly considering 
the circumstances of the case, would probably have 
run wild with anger and given violent and foolish 
orders ; but Philippa, always distinguished no less 
for her sturdy good sense than for her deference to 
her husband's wishes, remembered the importance 
of holding the lords of northern England in good 
humour, and instead of forcibly coercing Copeland, 
swallowed his insult for the present, and wrote to 
Edward at Calais an impartial account of the whole 
transaction. Edward summoned Copeland to re- 
pair to him at once : and, placing King David in the 
care of a trusted kinsman, the young soldier obeyed. 
" Ha, welcome my squire who by thy valour hast 
captured mine adversary the King of Scots ! " was 
the King's greeting ; and Copeland must have been 
glad enough when he heard it, for he could not tell 
but Edward might be in one of his furious rages 
and order him to execution on the spot. This 
graciousness disarmed him, and he fell on one knee, 
explaining that God had been so good to a poor 
squire like himself in permitting him to effect so 
magnificent a capture, that he had felt it would be 
wrong to surrender the royal prisoner to any but 
him of whom he held his lands, and he apologized, 
in a somewhat grudging fashion, for any seeming 

161 11 


discourtesy towards the Queen ; which he assured 
the King was not so intended. Edward, for all his 
simplicity and boyishness, seems always to have 
understood his people and been in marvellous sym- 
pathy with them, and while rendering John Cope- 
land as happy as a prince with a knighthood, lands 
to the value of five hundred a year, and other 
honours, he bade him return to England and give 
his captive up to the Queen as soon as possible ; and 
the young man started back at once, as eager now 
to obey as he had formerly been reluctant. 

Philippa was still at York with her army ; and 
hither Copeland with a party of friends and neigh- 
bours brought the pale angry young King, still weak 
from his wounds, and delivered him up in King 
Edward's name " with such excuses that the Queen 
was satisfied ". Ultimately David was brought 
to the Tower of London, but not apparently by 
Philippa ; since he was received by the Lord 
Lionel, seated on his father's throne, on January 2, 
1347, and by that time the Queen herself was 
overseas with her husband. His wounds were in 
fact so severe that he could not be moved earlier, 
although all the other Scottish prisoners had been 
brought south before Christmas : his procession 
through London, however, consisting as it did of 
20,000 men, and all the City Companies in their 
state liveries, was quite as magnificent and drew 
quite as huge a crowd as he had ever hoped, though 
he himself appeared as the conquered rather than 
the conqueror. The small guardian of the realm 
greeted his captive uncle with becoming gravity, 
and had him removed to the Tower of London, 
whither, not many months later, came another 
famous prisoner, Charles of Blois, who, wounded 



in eighteen places, was taken in battle by Sir 
Nicholas Dagworth in June, 1347, and brought in 
triumph to England by the Countess of Montfort. 
The struggle for Brittany, however, was not yet 
over, though one of the claimants was a prisoner, 
and the other a baby, in England. The wife of 
Charles, Joan de Penthievre, taking heart from her 
rival's example, fought on in place of her captive 
husband ; and so fiercely did the contest rage for 
years yet that, even when peace was made else- 
where in Europe, " the two women in Brittany 
would not be quieted," says Holinshed quaintly, 
"but still continued the war the one against the 




FOR many years Edward had been endeavouring to 
arrange suitable matches for his two elder daughters, 
now aged respectively thirteen and fourteen. Some- 
times it seemed more likely that Isabella would be 
married first and sometimes Joan ; the latter, since 
her return from Austria, her father had wished to 
betroth to Pedro, the son of King Alfonso of Cas- 
tille ; but although on the whole Alfonso seemed to 
approve the idea, the negotiations were carried on 
in a very dilatory manner. In the autumn of 1344, 
an ambassador had been sent to Spain about the 
matter, authorized to offer 10,000 as Joan's dowry, 
but if necessary to raise the amount to 15,000 or 
even 20,000. He returned the following June 
with the news that Philip of France had also 
offered his daughter, with a larger dowry than 
Joan's, but that the King of Castille would prefer 
alliance with England if Edward would promise the 
same sum and permit a Spanish knight to visit his 
Court and report upon the appearance of the Prin- 
cess. This last was willingly conceded ; Joan was 
too beautiful to fear comparisons ; and Edward, at 
this moment literally penniless and in debt for huge 
amounts, lavishly agreed to the large dowry de- 
manded. Still, however, delays followed. The 



King wrote to the King and Queen of Castille, to 
Pedro himself, to the Chancellor, and even to 
Eleanora de Guzman, Alfonso's mistress, and per- 
haps the most really important person at the Court. 
This woman's influence was somewhat to be dreaded, 
for she had borne three sons to Alfonso, of whom 
he was very fond, and it had always been her hope 
that if Pedro died unmarried or childless, one of 
her boys might be acknowledged as the heir. 
Edward wrote ingratiatingly to her, suggesting that 
her eldest son should be sent to England to be a 
companion to the Prince of Wales ; but Eleanora 
was far too shrewd thus to drop the substance for the 
shadow ; and although in the end of August, 1345, 
Joan herself gave consent to the proposed treaty of 
marriage, nothing more was heard of it for nearly 
two years, a delay for which it is very evident 
Eleanora was responsible. 

Edward's plans for Isabella meanwhile had never 
swerved. It had always been his wish that she 
should wed young Louis of Flanders, and now that 
the boy's father was dead, the alliance appeared 
even more to be desired than before. While wait- 
ing outside Calais, therefore, he sent for the burghers 
of the chief Flemish cities, pointed out their de- 
pendence upon the good-will of England for supply- 
ing them with the raw material necessary for their 
enormous output of woollen goods, and remarked 
that this might be endangered if their young 
Count, in accordance with Philip's wish, married 
the daughter of his former faithless ally the Duke 
of Brabant. The burghers were eminently men of 
sense, and they agreed with the King of England, and 
wrote to their Prince, who was now fifteen and had 
been brought up at the French Court, inviting him 



to return to his dominions. Somewhat reluctantly, 
young Louis came, and the plan being immediately 
broached to him, indignantly declared that no power 
on earth should induce him to wed the daughter of 
the man who had killed his father : a sentiment 
which would have done him some honour, if it had 
not been so palpably inspired by Philip of France 
for political reasons. Pressure was brought to bear 
upon the Count ; he was made practically a prisoner 
among his own people, daily assured by them that 
he was very ill advised, and that his father might 
have been the greatest prince in Christendom had 
he not remained so French : and finally, the young 
man's resolve showing signs of weakness, Edward 
wrote urgently to Philippa to bring Isabella out to 
Calais and prepare for a wedding. 

Philippa had evidently been expected to join her 
husband earlier than this, for on 8 October, nine 
days before the battle of Neville's Cross was fought, 
Edward had issued a writ of aid to the good men 
of Flanders in favour of the Empress of the 
Romans, who was "coming to Flanders to have 
speech with her sister the Queen of England," most 
probably upon the business of their late brother's 
estate. The troubles in the north naturally delayed 
Philippa, though it is worthy of notice that many 
of the English chroniclers and almost all the 
Scottish ones ignore her presence on or near the 
field of battle at all. Yet so detailed an account is 
given of her actions by Froissart, who, although he 
picked up his information at this date from hearsay, 
can yet never be laid open to the charge of sheer 
invention, that the probabilities seem in favour of 
her being there, and the more so in face of this evi- 
dence of the postponement of her visit to Calais. 



Quite possibly Froissart has exaggerated her share 
in the battle, which was mainly engineered by the 
Archbishop of York and the lords Neville and 
Percy ; but it is only in keeping with her character 
that she should have felt the responsibility of the 
kingdom's peace her own, have hurried to the scene 
of action and have refused to leave England till all 
seemed tranquil and till her husband imperatively 
sent for her. In any case she, with her eldest and 
youngest daughters and a large party of ladies and 
demoiselles, reached the French coast some time 
in November, and were received with great glad- 
ness and joy. 

It must have been a curious scene upon which 
Philippa and her train arrived. The temporary 
town built by the King's orders outside Calais made 
a brave show, but was somewhat destitute of com- 
fort and convenience ; the men, though on the 
whole well in hand, for Edward as a master de- 
manded strict obedience, were necessarily somewhat 
demoralized by victory and plunder ; and food and 
drink, though not so scarce as in the beleaguered 
city, were none too plentiful without it. Neverthe- 
less, many great and distinguished people visited 
the English Court here, and were royally enter- 
tained, and dismissed with magnificent presents. 
Sir Robert de Namur, that exceedingly handsome 
youth who had fought for Edward in his Scottish 
wars and had since married his youngest sister-in- 
law, was on his way home from the Holy Land 
when the spirit moved him to join the English 
banner again, and Edward made him welcome, and 
undertook to pay him 300 a year for his 
assistance. A single mention in a rather scurrilous 
ballad of the day, of a fair lady named Diana, who 



had followed Edward through France, and with 
whom he wasted hours of dalliance when he might 
have pushed on the siege, is scarcely sufficient evi- 
dence for us to accept the story as true ; but it is 
not by any means unlikely. Philippa hardly looked 
for a rigid chastity from her husband, who always 
treated her with true worship and kept for her his 
warmest and deepest affection ; and in those days 
no woman could ask for more. Nothing further is 
heard of Diana after the Queen's arrival ; but this 
does not prove she was not there before it, nor that 
the other knights and princes, during this lull of 
the campaign, were not engaged in "making love 
to the lips that were near ". Perhaps for that very 
reason did so many ladies swell Philippa's train, 
anxious to join their husbands, fathers, brothers and 
lovers, but Froissart at least declares that all were 
made very welcome. A characteristic detail is re- 
corded here in the King's first words regarding his 
latest baby. The Lady Margaret's clothes, he said, 
were not rich enough ; and the keeper of the ward- 
robe received special orders to see in future that 
her robes were made of cloth of silk, and in every 
way befitting her estate. 

But Isabella rather than Margaret was the child 
at present chiefly in her parent's thoughts. This 
young lady was now fourteen, and truth compels 
us to state a vain, selfish and somewhat conceited 
young person. The idea of being married pleased 
her greatly ; but it is unlikely that she was person- 
ally allowed to meet the Count of Flanders, who 
still remained a prisoner among his own people. 
Certainly she could not have had speech with him, 
for her father himself did not do so for some 
months ; and it is not pretended that there was any 



question of a love affair between them, beyond 
the natural interest that any girl in Isabella's posi- 
tion might have built upon the figure of a possible 
bridegroom. Christmas passed, however, kept by 
the King of England and his Court in " a royal and 
noble manner," and the winter went on with only 
occasional signs of vacillation from the obdurate 
youth. Then at last one day he informed his 
burghers that he had resolved to accede to their 
wishes and would wed the King of England's 
daughter. Immediately all was joy and congratu- 
lation. A meeting was arranged early in March at 
the Abbey of St. Vinoc at Bergues, near Dunkirk, 
and hither came Count Louis with his burghers 
and the King and Queen of England with their 
daughter. Edward took the young Count aside, 
and assured him with perfect truth that his father's 
death lay not at his door, that he had ever most 
earnestly desired his friendship, and was more 
grieved than words could express when he heard 
his name among those who had fallen at Crecy ; 
offering moreover to build a church, hospital and 
monastery to the dead man's memory in order 
to demonstrate his friendly feeling towards him. 
Louis appeared perfectly satisfied with this expla- 
nation, and the matter of the dowry was then 
broached. It was settled that Isabella should re- 
ceive 25,000 of Paris, money of Flanders, as a 
yearly rent until the possession of Ponthieu was 
obtained, and 400,000 gold deniers with the shield at 
certain terms expressed in writing. The young 
couple then knelt upon the altar steps together and 
solemnly exchanged their troth ; the Count prom- 
ised to espouse Isabella in the face of the Church 
a fortnight after Easter, and the two parties separ- 



ated in order to make due preparation for so mag- 
nificent a wedding. Philippa was delighted, and 
"anxious to acquit herself on the occasion with 
honour and generosity," while Edward and his 
daughter seem to have been entirely satisfied 
with the manner in which things had turned 

But Count Louis had not the slightest intention 
of marrying Isabella, and fully meant to fulfil the 
wishes of his father and the King of France by 
wedding Margaret of Brabant ; while by this seem- 
ing reconciliation he relaxed the vigilance of his 
guards and entirely hoodwinked all the wise men 
of Flanders and England. He was still " attended," 
however, by some of his faithful people whenever 
he went out, and escape did not appear so easy as 
he had hoped. The wedding day was fixed, and 
time went on till only a week was left. Then, one 
morning, he rode forth, followed of course, to fly 
falcons by the river. A heron rose, and he gal- 
loped forward, shouting with excitement, seemingly 
without a thought in his head save the capture of 
his quarry. His attendants good-naturedly held 
back that the glory of the chase might be his alone ; 
but he rode on and on, and at last it became evident 
that some weightier purpose lay in his movements. 
The heron's course was left ; he made straight to- 
wards Artois ; it was now too late to overtake him, 
and he never drew rein till he had crossed the 
French border. So poor proud Isabella had lost 
her bridegroom. 

There was consternation in the camp when this 
news arrived. No one was more furious than the 
Flemish burghers themselves, for they feared 
Edward would believe them to blame, and would 



this time refuse forgiveness and remove the precious 
woollen trade from their shores, and with it all their 
prosperity. So far as he personally was concerned, 
indeed, Edward rather gained by the young Count's 
defection, for the burghers indignantly busied them- 
selves to raise an army of 100,000 men in his favour 
to appease his wrath, and with this he was glad 
enough to appear content ; for it was not in his 
programme to quarrel with the Low Countries. 
But Isabella's feelings in the matter were more 
complex, and her mother felt bitterly for and with 
her. There had been, it is true, no particular love 
affair between the two, and the young Princess 
could not complain that her affections had been 
wounded ; but the insult was a cruel one to a girl 
of Isabella's temperament, and the jilting so public 
and so unexpected as to add ten thousandfold to 
the humiliation. Miss Strickland thinks that Isa- 
bella was in the secret and helped the escape, but 
there is no confirmation of this hypothesis, nor is 
it in keeping with the manners of the time that she 
should have had any opportunity of doing so. On 
the contrary, other reports state that she clung ob- 
stinately to her solemn betrothal before the altar, 
declaring that such vows could not be annulled, that 
she was in truth Countess of Flanders, and that she 
intended to bear the Flemish arms to the day of 
her death. Of course this phase did not last long. 
Her parents treated her with the greatest kindness 
and consideration, her allowance was increased, she 
was given extra ladies in waiting and raised to much 
importance ; and by the time she returned home in 
the autumn, her rather vain and shallow nature had 
quite cast off the memory of this cruel mortifica- 
tion, and she threw herself heart and soul into the 



excitement of tournaments and festivities. She did 
not in truth lose much in Louis of Flanders, any 
more than her brother, the Prince of Wales, lost in 
Margaret of Brabant, whom Louis married a few 
months later. The young Count, brought up under 
Philip of France, was shifty and untrustworthy ; 
twice he vowed alliance with Edward, and twice 
dishonourably betrayed him ; while his wife's end 
was a wretched one. During an absence of her 
husband's, Margaret found a beautiful young peas- 
ant girl named Rose Burchard, whom the Count 
had seduced and who was about to bear him a 
child, while still unwitting of her lover's name 
and rank. The Countess savagely seized the girl, 
had her nose and lips cut off, and flung her into a 
damp cell, where she died in a delirium of fever a 
few days later. Count Louis, returning, heard of 
his wife's action, and in revenge put her in a loath- 
some dungeon without window or fire, the only 
ventilation to which was a small hole through which 
bread and water were pushed : and here she re- 
mained till she died. 

Edward meanwhile, disappointed in this matter 
of his daughter's marriage, threw himself with re- 
newed eagerness into the task of reducing Calais. 
The unhappy people shut up inside the town must 
now, he knew, be almost starving ; and his own 
army being reinforced by a large number of knights 
and squires under the Earl of Lancaster, who joined 
him from Gascony, as well as the men supplied by 
the Flemish burghers, he took to "battering" 
Calais with more activity than ever before. Never- 
theless, provisions did get smuggled in ; till the 
Earl of Warwick with eighty ships was told off to 
watch the coast, and so soon as a foreign vessel 



was seen, to chase it and never let go till all the 
food carried was thrown into the sea. A cruel 
sight this for those within the walls ! Edward built 
too a strong castle out on a tongue of land between 
the town and the sea, and filled it with archers so 
that none could pass, and all approach to the city 
was closed. The only hope of the Calaisians lay 
now in their King, and both sides wondered indeed 
why Philip came not earlier to their rescue. At 
last, towards the end of July, his army appeared 
in the distance and halted doubtfully some way 
from the town : it was in fact by now difficult, not 
to say impossible, for them to approach any nearer. 
After a pause for consideration, the gallant knight 
Sir Eustace de Bibaumont led a deputation from the 
French camp to ask speech of the English King. 
This granted, Sir Eustace explained that Philip 
merely asked where and when Edward would come 
out and fight him, as the passes were so well guarded 
that he could not himself advance any farther. 
Edward waited till the spokesman had finished, 
and then quietly remarked that he had now been 
encamped before Calais for twelve months, any day 
of which Philip might have attempted to relieve 
the town; that he had spent an immense amount 
of money upon the siege, and expected surrender 
at any moment ; and that under these circumstances 
he had not the slightest intention of being drawn 
out into the open to risk everything upon a battle 
when his game was as good as won. He therefore 
advised Philip to go home and wait until a pitched 
battle could be fought on fairer terms. 

The French King lingered a few days still, and 
during this time the Governor of Calais made a 
last despairing effort to get a letter through to 



him. The master of a Genoese vessel took it, and 
with a French vessel as convoy, actually got past 
the harbour : but they were immediately chased. 
The French ship took alarm and went back ; but 
the Genoese pushed on, and might have escaped if 
only, unfamiliar with the coast, she had not stuck 
on a shoal, when she was quickly taken by the 
English. Still, the faithful captain tied the letter 
to a hatchet and flung it into the sea ; only for it 
to be washed up at the next tide close by the 
English camp. It was taken to Edward, who read 
it and found a passionate appeal to Philip for help, 
since all food was gone, and the men of Calais 
could not hold out another day. With a triumph- 
ant smile, the English King folded it again and 
sent it on to Philip, watching the French camp to 
see what would happen. That same evening, 2 
August, the French burnt their tents and returned 
to Paris. 

With aching hearts and haggard eyes the 
wretched people of Calais watched the relief party 
disappear. For them this was the end. They had 
held out for almost a year against every sort of 
hardship and privation, trusting loyally in the will 
and power of their King to relieve them, and it 
was now evident that they could hope no longer. 
A curious contemporary poem by Laurence Minot 
represents them as exclaiming to one another : 

" Oure horses, that were faire and fat, 
Are eaten up ilk one bidene ; 
Have we neither coney nor cat, 
That they are not eaten, and houndes kene, 
All are eaten up full clene ; 
Is neither living biche nor whelp, 
That is well in our semblance sene ; 
And thai are fled that should us help." 


" They are fled " : that was the bitter note. Philip 
could perhaps under the circumstances have acted 
in no other way, but the desertion must have seemed 
horribly cruel. In any case it was useless to hold 
out any longer, and early next morning Sir John de 
Vienne sent to Edward offering surrender if he 
would grant the lives of the garrison and inhabit- 
ants. The King angrily bade Sir Walter Manny 
go to meet Sir John and tell him he would grant 
nothing : the whole city should be put to the sword. 
Manny, like the chivalrous soul he was, induced his 
sovereign to modify this decree, and finally Edward 
said he would spare all but six of the chief burghers, 
who should bring him the city keys, bare-headed 
and bare-footed, and with ropes about their necks. 
Amidst bitter weeping, the Governor made known 
this demand in the market-place of Calais, and im- 
mediately the richest man in the town, Eustace de 
St. Pierre, offered himself for death to save his 
fellow-townsmen, and was followed by his own son, 
John Daire, James and Peter Wissant, and one 
other. These six, with the ropes and keys as 
ordered, were handed over by the Governor to Sir 
Walter Manny with the request that " of your good- 
ness, gentle sir, you will beseech the King that they 
be not put to death-". " I will do what I may to 
save them," replied Sir Walter ; " but I cannot 
answer for what the King may do." 

Edward, with his ever-present instinct for the 
dramatic, had arranged an impressive setting for 
the scene that followed. He himself sat moodily 
upon a great chair beneath a crimson canopy of 
state in his tent ; beside him stood his Queen, about 
him his noble son, his fair daughter, and all the 
bravest knights and loveliest ladies of the English 



Court. The six wretched captives, gaunt with 
hunger, and with great ropes about their necks, 
approached, led by Sir Walter Manny ; and fell 
upon their knees before their conqueror. "Most 
gallant King," they exclaimed ; " we set ourselves 
in such wise as you see at your absolute will and 
pleasure, in order to save the remainder of our 
people, who have suffered much distress and misery. 
So may you have pity and mercy upon us for 
your high nobleness sake ". All present burst into 
tears, says Froissart, save only the King, who 
frowned angrily and swore he would never forgive 
the folk of Calais for the loss of time and men 
they had put him to ; after which he peremptorily 
ordered that the six prisoners should at once be 
beheaded. Courage was needed to cross his path 
in such a mood, but the gallant Manny, faithful to 
his promise, sprang forward, crying : " ' Ah, gentle 
King, restrain your wrath ! Tarnish not your 
noble reputation by such an act. Truly the whole 
world will cry out upon your cruelty if you 
should put to death these six worthy persons.' 
For all this," says Froissart, "the King made a 
sign to his marshal and said, 'Master Walter, 
hold your peace, I will have it so. Let the 
headsman come'." 

" Then did the noble Queen of England a deed 
of noble lowliness, seeing she was great with child, 
and wept so tenderly for pity that she could no 
longer stand upright ; therefore she cast herself on 
her knees before her lord the King and spake on this 
wise : ' Ah, gentle sir, since the day I crossed the 
sea with great peril to see you, I have never asked 
for one favour ; now pray I and beseech you with 
folded hands for the love of Our Lady's Son, and 



as a proof of your love to me, that you will have 
mercy upon these six men '. 

" King Edward waited a while without speaking, 
and looked on the Queen as she knelt before him 
bitterly weeping. Then began his heart to soften 
a little, and he said, ' Lady, I would you had been 
anywhere else than here : you have entreated so 
tenderly that I cannot refuse you. I do it against 
my will, nevertheless take these men : I give them 
to you '. 

"Then took he the six citizens by the halters, 
and delivered them to the Queen, and released from 
death all those of Calais for the love of her." And 
Philippa had the six citizens taken to her apart- 
ments, the halters removed, clothes and a good 
dinner given them, and so with six nobles apiece as 
a gift, they were safely escorted back to Calais. 

Although this story is told only upon the au- 
thority of Froissart, who had it from Jehan le Bel, 
Canon of Liege, and it is not mentioned by any 
French chronicler, there is no real reason to doubt 
its truth. Philippa had pleaded in just such a way 
before, and it would have seemed very natural to 
her to do it again. Nor is it probable, as some 
have suggested, that the whole scene had been ar- 
ranged between the King and Queen beforehand ; 
it sounds too spontaneous ; and Philippa was not 
the woman to lend herself to any such deception. 
Froissart, no doubt, as was usual with him, coloured 
his narrative somewhat highly, and, of course, in- 
vented the speeches given ; but they seem to have 
represented very fairly what was actually said. In 
certain details he is incorrect, as in describing 
Philippa's condition and continuing later that " The 
King remained in Calais till the Queen was brought 

177 12 


to bed of a daughter named Margaret". The 
Princess Margaret, as we know, had been born at 
Windsor more than a year before : and it is scarcely 
possible that Philippa should have borne another 
daughter at Calais, since this would be the only re- 
ference to her, for she certainly never grew up, and 
there is no account of her death or burial, nor is 
she likely to have been given the same name as 
Philippa's last child. Margaret of Windsor was 
undoubtedly taken to Calais by her mother, who 
was probably nursing her at the time witness 
Edward's remark about her clothes, and it is quite 
likely she was in Philippa's arms at the time when 
the Queen pleaded for and won the lives of the 
Calais burghers. This may have led to mention of 
her as " Margaret of Calais," and thus the whole 
story grew ; but in all state documents and records 
she is the Lady Margaret of Windsor. 

Having vented his rage in this scene, Edward 
behaved very kindly to the rest of the Calaisians ; 
indeed tradition credits him with having fed them 
so amply that many of them, unused to plenty, died 
in the night. He also granted immunity to all who 
cared to remain in the town and swear allegiance 
to himself ; and many, Eustace de St. Pierre among 
them, mindful of King Philip's treachery, were glad 
to take advantage of the offer. Those who did not 
were allowed to depart, but of course by this means 
they renounced their houses and possessions in the 
town ; Philip, however, to do him justice, seems to 
have done what he could to make this up to them. 
The houses of John Daire were granted to Philippa, 
who shortly after took possession of them. Im- 
mediately after the surrender, Edward sent Sir 
Walter Manny and the Earls of Warwick and 



Stafford to seize the Castle, and as soon as all was 
prepared, he and the Queen rode on horseback into 
the town, heralded by a band of drums and trum- 
pets. This was on August 3, and so much was 
found necessary to be done within the walls, forti- 
fications repaired, stores of provisions and weapons 
augmented, etc., that urgent word flew to England, 
bidding all anxious to colonize to come out at once, 
when free lands and houses should be given them ; 
September 1 being mentioned as the latest date 
till when this offer held good. It met with a wide 
response. At first some fear obtained lest Philip 
might return and attack his enemy, now in a more 
vulnerable position : but it soon became evident 
that he had no such intention, and by means of 
the Pope's intervention, a nine months' truce was 
arranged before the end of September. All sieges 
were to be raised and all hostilities to cease : and 
Calais remained an English possession for over 
200 years. 

On October 12 the royal family sailed for home 
once more, and as was almost invariably the case 
in all Edward's homeward voyages, they were at- 
tacked by a violent storm. The King's expostula- 
tion to the powers above regarding this phenomenon 
is given by Walsingham. "St. Mary, my blessed 
Lady ! " he cried : " What should be the meaning 
of this, that always in my passage to France the 
winds and seas befriend me, but in my return to 
England I meet with nothing but adverse storms 
and destructive tempests?" Apparently his re- 
marks were considered reasonable, for the storm 
abated, and immediately on reaching England, he 
made an offering at his father's tomb of a golden 
ship studded with jewels in gratitude for his de- 



liverance from the perils of the sea. Philippa gave 
a gold heart on the same occasion, and her son a 
gold cross ; but later, at the monks' request, the 
King redeemed his ship for 100, but left the 
jewels to the Abbey. 




" THIS peace being made," writes Stow, " it seemed 
through England as though a new summer had 
followed, because of the plentie of all things ; for 
there was no woman of any name but she had 
some of the prizes of Caen and Calais and of other 
cities beyond ye Seas, whereof ye matrones being 
proude did bragge in French apparell." 

England was in fact in huge good-humour with 
herself and her King. On regarding the matter 
dispassionately, Edward had not really accom- 
plished very much for his immense expenditure in 
men, money and time; yet never surely had a 
doubtful cause and a poor result been viewed in a 
greater glamour of glory. It is a true saying that 
men are apt to be taken at their own valuation, and 
Edward's, never low, stood now at its zenith. His 
soldiers adored him, his people worshipped ; one 
kingly foe he had utterly crushed for the moment, 
two others lay captive in the Tower ; the day be- 
fore he left Calais, his brother-in-law and old ally 
the Emperor Lewis died of apoplexy out hunting, 
and the Imperial Crown was immediately and unan- 
imously offered to himself. He dallied for some 
months with the flattering proposal, but at last, 
to Philippa's intense relief, declined it ; knowing at 
heart all too well the constant worry and little 


advantage so barren a glory would bring him ; and 
it was afterwards given to Charles of Luxembourg, 
son of the blind King of Bohemia who had fallen 
at Crecy. At this time Edward's daughter Isabella 
seems to have been more in sympathy with him 
than any other member of his family. The disap- 
pointment she had suffered in the spring had passed 
off, leaving her rather more giddy and self-indulgent 
than before : she cared for nothing but excitement, 
extravagance and display ; and her father loaded 
her with gifts and honours, gave her seven bed- 
chamber women while her sister Joan had only 
three, and from the day he reached England till 
the end of the following April issued special orders 
for no less than nineteen tournaments, at almost 
all of which she was present, magnificently robed 
and extravagantly fted. One given at Canterbury 
is particularly mentioned, as being expressly in her 
honour, when she and her ladies rode into the 
town in masks, and were received with splendid 

At this, the moment perhaps of his highest 
popularity and satisfaction, it is but just that some 
account of Edward's personal appearance should 
be given. He was it seems a man of medium 
height, no giant like his grandfather Edward I, but 
well and gracefully made, brave, strong, dignified, 
a good dancer and musician, and with the most 
fascinating and gallant manners in the world. 
His face, we are told, was " godlike," his eyes blue, 
he wore a short beard, and his hair was " neither 
red nor yellow, but a fair mixture of silver and 
gold " ; though fierce rage possessed him on oc- 
casions, he never sulked, and could always win his 
friends back with a smile, and his enemies too if 




To face page 182 





he chose. Nothing came amiss to him from the 
devising of a fresh motto to the conquering of a 
new kingdom ; he threw himself with inexhaustible 
interest into every fresh scheme, and was con- 
stantly undertaking novel adventures. He had 
unbounded confidence in himself, and possessed in 
a curious degree that sense common to many of 
the best and most popular English sovereigns, of 
understanding and voicing in person the more in- 
articulate public opinion of their people. Even 
where the interests of King and nation conflicted, 
as in the constant necessity for fresh money sup- 
plies, Edward's grand manner and genial smile 
could usually win him what he wanted. Just at 
present it was a question of collecting the " state 
aid " due on the knighting of the Sovereign's eldest 
son, which had taken place a year before at La 
Hogue, and out of it he promised Philippa 500, 
but afterwards said he would give her that separ- 
ately, as he needed all he could get for his own use. 
Sometimes he was generous enough to forego this 
right, as in the case of St. Mary's Hospital, Ospreng, 
which pleaded poverty as an inability to pay the 
" Fifteenths, ninths, wools, and aids " due, and was 
acquitted of the debt. Altogether he makes a 
gallant figure in history, and a veritable King of 

Philippa seems hardly so joyous as her husband 
at this time. Perhaps she was more far-sighted, and 
could not live so easily in the present : tournaments 
and fine clothes were never an end and aim in life 
to her. She must have been very glad to return to 
her children : Joan, " the favourite of he ' mother," 
as she is called in letters of the period ; that di- 
minutive husband and wife, Lionel and Elizabeth ; 



sturdy John of Gaunt ; Edmund of Langley and his 
inseparable friend the young Earl of Pembroke, 
who, an orphaned grandson of wicked old Roger 
Mortimer, was the King's ward and brought up 
with the royal children ; three-year-old Mary, with 
her betrothed husband, little Duke John of Brit- 
tany ; and now baby Margaret, a travelled young 
lady to return to her brothers and sisters at home. 
The elder two, Edward and Isabella, seem by now 
to have been beyond their mother's charge, and had 
their own households ; but still she held entire do- 
minion over the younger ones ; and Edward's first 
action after the conquest of Calais was to make over 
to her, in trust for her son Edmund, all the castles 
and lands north of the Trent which had belonged 
to the late John de Warena, Earl of Surrey. A 
few months later, he also granted her all the prizes 
of wines taken in the port of Southampton for the 
next ten years : and no doubt she needed some 
pecuniary help, for her affairs must have been diffi- 
cult indeed to deal with. 

It has been remarked of Edward that he was 
always more ready to be generous to an enemy 
than just to a friend ; and he gave away posts and 
honours so lavishly that sometimes he forgot, and 
granted the same thing twice or three times over 
to different people, and was then annoyed because 
they grumbled. All these grand-sounding estates 
which he bestowed upon his children to be managed 
for the present by their mother were as often as 
not a source of more expense than revenue to her, 
and it must have needed a particularly clear head 
to deal with them. In the case of this very 
Warena estate for example, after he had given it 
to Edmund, it was discovered that the late Earl 



had already during his lifetime sold or given part 
of it away to somebody else ; and the King was 
obliged to appoint a commission to inquire into a 
matter so "to the prejudice and danger of disheri- 
son " of the little Prince. After this was settled, 
the Abbot and Convent of Roche made appeal 
that they had always been permitted to have one 
oak a year from the park of Haytfield on this 
estate for a tithe, as well as sixteen great animals 
(no rabbits, if you please !) one stick of eels, and 
permission to keep their swine in the park ; but 
that now the Queen's bailiffs refused to allow them 
their rights ; and inquiry had to be made into this 
matter too. After a while, Philippa appointed 
guardians and controllers for the Ulster estate, but 
kept the Richmond and Warena lands under her 
own management. 

She was involved, immediately on her return 
from Calais, in an infinity of law-suits, and it was 
at this time that she was perhaps less popular than 
at any other period of her life. This was scarcely 
her own fault. The reckless habits of plunder and 
lawlessness which Edward's soldiers had picked up 
abroad were not likely to be dropped at once in 
England, and the rights of property and custom 
were for some time very lightly regarded by them. 
Philippa held manors and estates, either for herself 
or her sons, all over England ; and hardly one of 
them was not at this time broken into with violence, 
game and fish stolen, fences destroyed, damage 
done, and her servants assaulted and injured. 
Usually gentle, where her children's interests were 
attacked, the tiger sleeping in every good mother's 
heart rose up within Philippa, and she insisted upon 
rigid justice being meted out for what was after all 



as often as not a mere ebullition of high spirits. 
This made the people angry, and signs of their dis- 
pleasure appeared in many ways. In April " two of 
her carts, carrying two tuns of her wine worth forty 
pounds, and twelve of her horses, worth a hundred 
pounds, in the carts," were arrested, and detained 
so long that the wine entirely perished, and the 
horses died of hunger. Another time, Richard 
Hegham, appointed to purvey hay, oats, and neces- 
saries for her horses at Nottingham, was assaulted 
with such violence that his life was despaired of. 
Again, the King made her a gift of all " fines, issues, 
amercements and chattels adjudged before the 
justices appointed to hear cases of trespass in the 
Warena parks, chaces, and stanks " ; and only a 
fortnight later, it is recorded that evil persons had 
stolen such chattels to the value of 200. Most 
significant of all is the case of John le Tailleur, 
Vicar of Lincoln, who was thrown into prison for 
his violent language, in that he had from the pulpit 
publicly excommunicated the late and new parsons 
of St. Peter, Stamford, and circulated libels con- 
cerning the King and " Queen Philippa, his dearest 
consort, whereof on account of the horror and scan- 
dal of them the King is at present silent". The 
rabid preacher apologized humbly after he had been 
in prison for some time, and was pardoned : but 
straws such as these show which way the wind 

Of course there was another side to the matter, 
and the people had some cause for their discontent ; 
the petty needs of the various royal households 
seem to have been provided for in a very unbusiness- 
like way. Certain persons were appointed to " pur- 
vey" various necessaries for the King or Queen 



during a year or longer, and this meant that they 
took the best they could find from anyone who 
happened to possess it, leaving " promises to pay," 
which were usually it is true kept in the end, but 
it might be months or years before such debts were 
discharged. Philippa was a woman of thrift, kept 
careful tally of all her bills, and paid them as soon 
as she could ; but it cannot have been an easy task, 
considering the haphazard way in which her allow- 
ance reached her, the constant occasions on which 
Edward borrowed large sums from it, the deadlock 
in the matter of her Hainault inheritance, and the 
great expenses that the maintenance of so many not 
very profitable estates on behalf of her children en- 
tailed. As an example of the variety of expenses in- 
curred within a few months for her household alone, 
we note, " Gilbert le Foulere, porter of the Queen's 
household, to provide carriages, harness, victuals, 
and other necessaries, for the Queen and her 
household, to be paid by her wardrobe : " " John 
de Leuknore, her steward, to appoint men to 
provide necessaries for her buttery, bakery, and 
bakehouse : " " Roger Jolif, her usher of the hall, to 
provide brushwood, coal, litter, and other necessaries 
for her hall and chamber : " " John Makery ordered 
by her steward to provide the necessary appoint- 
ments for her kitchen and pantry : " " Roger de 
Clune, her treasurer, appoints persons to purvey 
victuals for her kitchen and scullery : " her steward 
is to provide necessaries for the office of the poultry, 
with carriage : William de Swynfleet, clerk, to buy 
stockfish and other victuals for her household, with 
carriage : Roger de Nottingham, her ferreter and 
fisher, to take rabbits in her warrens, and fish in 
her fisheries and stews ; carriage, nets and other 



necessaries for which are to be paid out of her 
wardrobe : John de Neuborne is to purvey wines, 
etc., for her buttery : and so on. Besides all this, 
she was constantly engaged in extensive building 
and repairing operations in connexion with her 
various estates ; and Thomas de Tuttebury, the 
clerk of her great wardrobe, is frequently ordered 
to bring her timber from her parks at Havering, 
Banstead, and Istelworth, and stone from her quarry 
at Tollesworth and other quarries in the county of 
Kent, as well as workmen to cart and prepare the 
stone ; all to be brought to her wardrobe at La 
Reol by land and water at her charges. As she 
grew older, Philippa's interests seem to have be- 
come more and more bound up in her husband and 
children ; and if, at some times, the Martha in her 
seems to predominate above the Mary, one has to 
remember that it was entirely for the benefit of 
these others that she so materially busied herself. 

Edward, on arriving home, let his business affairs 
slide, gave gallant tournaments, wore magnificent 
clothes, and was adored by his people ; Philippa 
tried unobtrusively to set her house in order, and 
was not so greatly loved for it. This was in fact 
rather a demoralized period in England. The ex- 
citement of several great victories, the swarms of 
rollicking archers and men-at-arms overrunning the 
country and setting the quieter folk agape with wild 
tales of loot and plunder ; the magnificent prizes in 
jewels, stuffs, and plate which, as Stow says, " no 
household was without " ; all rather tended to loosen 
that sober sense usually so staunchly held by the 
English people ; and there is no doubt they ran 
rather exuberantly wild for a time. To some of 



the tournaments women came riding astride and 
dressed like men ; "a very shameful thing," say the 
chroniclers ; and even the more gentle ladies had 
their caps made in the shape of a man's helmet. In 
Edward II's day the women's dresses had been 
long and trailing, graceful if rather useless : but now 
they were made short and scanty ; aprons were for 
the first time introduced and called lap-cloths ; new 
stuffs such as sarcanet and gauze appeared ; and 
the hair was coiled tight in a golden net in order to 
give full play to the rather ugly gorget, fixed with 
jewelled daggers. Men wore their hair long ; with 
a rose behind the ear or between the teeth : and 
furs, silks and gems were heaped together on their 
garments in almost vulgar ostentation. Nor was 
it only in personal ornament that the vanity of the 
period found vent : manners too were very luxuri- 
ous. There were only two meals a day, dinner a 
few hours after sunrise, and supper not long be- 
fore bedtime ; but these were very long and extra- 
vagantly costly. Knights and princes had spiced 
wine and cakes and comfits brought to them after 
they were in bed ; while warm baths were con- 
stantly and lavishly used. The table appointments 
too must have been very magnificent. A discharged 
pantler not long before this was accused of stealing 
two of the royal salt-cellars, which are described 
in detail, and sound extremely beautiful and curious. 
One was of silver, enamelled all over with figures of 
apes and little birds ; and the other of silver-gilt, 
"enamelled within and without with divers apes," 
standing on engraved masonry, with an enamelled 
foot and a crystal lid. Five spoons of plain gold 
were also missing; but one is glad to learn the 



pantler got his pardon, so probably the plate was 

There is little doubt that Philippa's chief sorrow 
at this time lay in the prospect of a speedy parting 
from her favourite daughter Joan. The Spanish 
marriage, which had remained so long under dis- 
cussion, now appeared likely to take place almost 
immediately. In April, 1347, while still in France, 
Edward had written orders to the Sheriffs of London 
for the fitting out of certain ships to sail at once 
from Sandwich with the " lady Joan, his very dear 
daughter," and sundry nobles, to him at Calais ; but 
the expedition was again put off, in consequence of 
objections from Eleonora de Guzman, until after 
the King's return to England. On 18 November, 
however, letters of protection were issued for 
one year to Thomas de Baddely, clerk, who was 
" going to Spain on the King's service in company 
with the King's daughter Joan " ; and Edward 
seemed determined now to force Pedro and his 
father to clinch the matter at once. That the dowry 
he had so easily promised with his daughter was 
not forthcoming does not seem to have troubled 
him in the least ; and he appears finally to have 
sent her off without being very certain how she 
would be received. Certain Spanish ambassadors 
had evidently come to England about the matter, 
for Stow says, " the Earl of Lancaster gave great 
jousts at Lincoln after Easter in 1348 [this must be 
a mistake for ' after Christmas,' since Joan had left 
long before Easter], at which many ladies were 
present, with the Countess of Lancaster, and the 
messengers of the King of Spain, who had come to 
fetch the Lady Joan ". One among them who is 



more particularly mentioned than the rest was the 
King of Castille's own minstrel, "the illustrious 
Garcia de Gyvell," and it seems Joan was greatly 
honoured in that he should be sent to accompany 
and amuse her. The royal family's own Christmas 
had been spent at Guildf ord, and was a very merry 
one ; the " King's Plays " took place there, and for 
the last time the whole big family feasted together ; 
a happy occasion for Philippa to remember in after 

Meanwhile, ships were ordered to assemble at 
Plymouth, and Edward wrote to Pedro with his 
own hand of his " dearest daughter Joan, distin- 
guished, notwithstanding her youth, by the gravity 
of her manners, and the comeliness of her befitting 
grace," "the favourite of her mother" ; while that 
mother bestirred herself to arrange a worthy wed- 
ding outfit for this lovely and gentle child, one day 
to be Queen of Castille. Joan's trosseau was very 
magnificent and comprehensive ; her wedding dress 
was of cloth of gold, and, in keeping with her early 
love of needlework, everything that could possibly 
be embroidered, glittered with quaint and marvel- 
lous designs. Some of these indeed seem hardly 
appropriate, as when we find the vestments of her 
chaplains made of cloth of gold wrought with 
dragons and serpents ; but it seems such things 
were particularly fashionable just then, for the 
coverlet of her best bed was of Tripoli silk, em- 
broidered with " dragons in combat " not a very 
restful notion ! and bordered with vine leaves. 
She also carried with her entire tapestry hangings 
for two rooms, with the necessary cords and rings, 
one worked with popinjays in worsted, and the 



other with roses and other flowers. Complete fit- 
tings for her private chapel she had of course, 
carpets, cushions, altar-cloths, and holy plate ; and 
every sort of secular furniture as well. Scarlet and 
purple saddles embroidered with pearls for herself 
and her ladies, cloaks, hoods, dozens of beautiful 
dresses, ribbons, tassels, 12,000 pins, a looking- 
glass, a bath, a copper warming-pan, washing 
bowls, two folding chairs, various spices, coffers full 
of silver plate, including two gilt spoons " for the 
mouth of the lady," and quantities of magnificent 
and costly presents. The Bishop of Carlisle and 
Sir Robert Bourchier, in whose charge she was to 
travel, were instructed to take her to Bordeaux, 
and thence send word to King Alphonso and his 
son at Bayonne on the borders of Spain, saying 
that her dowry was not yet ready but would follow 
shortly, and that in the meantime the King of 
England had sent her, according to his promise, as 
bride to the infant Pedro. If Alfonso seemed vexed 
concerning the non-existent dowry, they were either 
to bring the Princess back, or wait with her at Bor- 
deaux till Edward found it possible to raise the 
money ; but, and this was so important that secret 
messengers were sent again after the ambassadors 
to impress it upon them, the marriage was on no 
account to take place unless Alfonso solemnly 
undertook that Joan's son, if she had one, should 
succeed to the throne of Castille. 

On Wednesday, January 9, 1348, beautiful Joan 
Plantagenet set out upon her second wedding 
journey. Her father and mother accompanied her 
from Westminster to Mortlake, where they bade 
her farewell, and thence by slow stages she travelled 



to Plymouth, which was not reached till February 6. 
Here, in spite of Edward's orders, ships were not 
found ready, and by the time these had been col- 
lected, the weather broke up, and the party remained 
storm-bound for five weeks. At Plymouth Joan 
spent her fourteenth birthday, and received constant 
kind and tender messages from her parents. On 
February 20, protection is recorded for "Master 
Andrew de Offerd, King's clerk, going to Spain 
in company with the King's daughter " ; and on 
March 16, " Protection and safe-conduct for Garsias 
de Gyville, minstrel of the Infant of Castille, lately 
come from Spain to England, and now returning 
with the Princess Joan ". One Stephen de Cusyng- 
ton seems also to have been much trusted in the 
care of her. At last, on March 21, it was found 
possible to sail ; a week later the party landed in 
France, and on the 31st entered Bordeaux, an 
English city, since it was the capital of Guienne. 
The ambassadors hurried from Bordeaux to Bay- 
onne with King Edward's message, and found them- 
selves graciously and warmly received ; all the 
necessary promises were given, and no objections 
raised concerning the missing dowry. King Alfonso 
arranged for the marriage to take place in the great 
cathedral at Bayonne on November 1, as it would 
not be possible to celebrate it with sufficient pomp 
in a shorter time, and meanwhile Joan and her 
train were to spend the summer and autumn at 

This matter so far satisfactorily settled, Edward 
threw himself heart and soul into the most magnifi- 
cent of all the splendid shows and ceremonies of his 
reign, the institution of the Order of the Garter. 

193 13 


It is strange to find that of an Order so world- 
famous and so important even in its beginnings, the 
date and origin of foundation have never with 
certainty been established. Some declare it was 
founded in 1344, confusing it with the Round Table 
jousts, which may very probably have given Edward 
the idea ; but as the Prince of Wales ranked as 
First Knight of the Order and he was not then even 
knighted, this is certainly a mistake. Others post- 
pone it till 1349, when England was desolated by 
the Black Death, and it is very unlikely the Court 
would have had time or spirits for such gorgeous 
revels. There seems little doubt that the spring of 
1348 was the real date. The Round Tower at 
Windsor was finished long before then, and the 
Order, though founded in honour of the Holy Trinity, 
the Virgin Mary, St. George of Cappadocia and 
Edward the Confessor, had always St. George for 
its chief patron, and its meetings were held on St. 
George's Day, April 23, at Windsor. Indeed the 
Knights of the Garter were known often as the 
Knights of St. George. As to the story of the Coun- 
tess of Salisbury dropping her garter at a Court ball, 
and the King picking it up and to hide her confusion 
murmuring " Honi soit qui mal y pense" this is the 
merest fable, built on the none too secure basis of 
Edward's sudden passion for a Countess of Salisbury 
at Wark seven years before. Katherine, Countess 
of Salisbury, had been a widow now for some years, 
and had long retired from Court ; while her son still 
remained unmarried, and if by any chance Fair Joan 
of Kent, his betrothed wife, was the heroine of this 
tale, the Black Prince is far more likely than his 
father to have been the hero. Undoubtedly there 



was something between this young couple, though 
it was the queerest and most dilatory love-affair 
ever known. Some have declared Philippa to have 
been the real heroine of the Garter story, and say 
that on picking up her ribbon, the King declared in 
full Court that " if he lived, most high honour should 
come to pass to be given her for the Garter's sake " ; 
but that the troubadours of the period, thinking 
the relations of husband and wife too dull for so 
romantic an incident, transferred it to the lady of 
the former love tale instead. As a matter of fact, 
however, the Garter was a very old badge of 
honour among the chivalry of England. Bichard 
Cceur de Lion, when storming Acre, had bade his 
noblest knights wear it, whence they were known 
as the Knights of the Blue Thong ; and very likely 
Edward, remembering this occasion, thought he 
would perpetuate the idea. His intentions seem to 
have begun to take shape about the end of 1347, 
when " Twelve garters of blue, embroidered with 
gold and silk and the motto ' Honi soi qui mal y 
pense,' ' were ordered for the King's jousts at 
Eltham. The motto itself seems to have been the 
merest chance fancy. Edward was constantly de- 
vising fresh mottoes, and had one for almost every 
tournament and every new costume. " It is as it 
is," was one favourite ; and another was " Syker 
as ye wode bynd," worn with a satin hood em- 
broidered with gold woodbine ; while a famous 
appearance was made by him about this time 
in a harness of white buckram inlaid with silver, 
carrying a white swan as his device, and bearing 
on his shield the motto. 

" Hay, hay ! the white swan, 
By Goddes soul, I am thy man ! " 


" Honi soit qui mal y pense " happened to be the 
whim of the moment, and by a curious fate remains 
incorporated with the royal arms of England after 
five centuries, when all the others are long since 

The first institution of the Garter Knights must 
have been a very magnificent spectacle. The King 
was, of course, Sovereign of the Order, and the 
Prince of Wales and Henry of Lancaster ranked 
first among the twenty-four Companions, each of 
whom paired with a lady, following the Queen ; for 
the Dames de la Fraternite de St. George were as 
integral a part of the Order as the Knights, and 
each wore the badge and the regulation robes and 
cloak powdered with golden garters. The Prince, 
being not yet. married, was accompanied by his 
sister Isabella, who no doubt heartily enjoyed the 
pomp and splendour of the occasion. The robes of 
herself and her mother are detailed in the ward- 
robe accounts of the day, and must have been 
extremely handsome. The habit was dark blue, no 
doubt in allusion to Edward's claim to France, this 
being the royal colour of that country ; and the 
mantle and surcoat alike were made of woollen 
cloth, the King's tunic being lined with ermine, and 
those of the Knights with minever. As usual, 
crowds of foreign visitors flocked to Windsor for 
the revels, and friend and foe were made equally 
welcome. David of Scotland was permitted to 
leave his prison in order to take part in the jousts, 
where he distinguished himself mightily, and among 
other noble guests was the Countess de Montfort, 
or Duchess of Bretagne, as she held it her right to 
be named, who with her daughter, the demoiselle 



. M 

4 ! 


Jeanne de Bretagne, now dwelt almost entirely in 
England, leaving the conduct of her compaign to 
Sir Nicholas Dagworth. Edward gave her the 
castle of Tickhill in Yorkshire as a residence, but 
the young Duke her son remained with the King's 
children at Windsor. 

The summer passed in joust and merriment, but 
all too soon great woe and terror came creeping upon 
England. The Black Death seems to have been 
the greatest and most terrible of all the mediaeval 
plagues wherewith the pages of history are made 
dark. Later investigation has traced its origin to 
a great war in the then almost mythical empire of 
China, which must have taken place some time be- 
tween 1340 and 1343. In the course of it thou- 
sands died, and the corpses lay unburied and rotting 
till the whole country swarmed with germs of dis- 
ease ; almost the entire population fell before it, 
and lying still unburied, spread the infection to 
India, which again was all but depopulated. From 
here by caravan it came through Arabia and Con- 
stantinople to Greece and Italy, and thence, by the 
summer of 1348, to the whole of Europe. In all 
twenty-five millions died of it in this continent. 
Boccaccio has told the tale of it at Florence ; and 
in Avignon Petrarch's Laura was one of the first vic- 
tims. The horrible circumstances of the disease, the 
rapidity of its progress, and the practical inevitability 
of death once the person was attacked, all added to 
the almost supernatural terror it inspired. The 
first sign was usually a discoloured swelling under 
the armpits, after which other swellings might 
appear, or blood be coughed up, the symptoms 
varying slightly, but a violent thirst and then a 



sudden coma followed always, and in a few hours 
all would be over. Breath no sooner ceased than 
black patches appeared upon the skin, spreading 
over the entire body, decomposition set in in a few 
minutes, and a loathsome and sickening smell issued 
from the corpse. Infection was so strong that it 
was said to be sufficient to look upon a person 
afflicted to receive the attack oneself. Nor was it 
confined only to human beings ; dogs, cats, cocks, 
and hens also died in great quantities from it. A 
very few people, it is true, recovered from the illness, 
but the recovery was looked upon as miraculous. 
No doubt the insanitary habits and dwellings of the 
age fostered its progress, and the almost impossi- 
bility of immediate burial for the victims accelerated 
its spread. Some few laws were hastily passed to 
check its advance, but with a futility to be expected. 
In Holland, for instance, it was forbidden that 
more than ten people should sit down to a meal 
together ; no mourning was to be worn for the dead, 
and no shops to be open on Sunday, while funerals, 
when they could be held, were hurried through as 
soon as possible. 

In Paris two Queens died of the Black Death, and 
at last in the end of July it reached Bordeaux, 
where pretty Princess Joan and her ladies sat busy 
with their needlework, preparing still for the royal 
wedding approaching now so near. Joan was a 
healthy girl, but her attendants thought it best to 
run no risks, and hurried her away from the popul- 
ous town to the pretty country village of Loremo. 
For over a month all went well here, and then on 
the morning of September 2, the ominous marks 
appeared upon her skin, and in a few hours the poor 



beautiful child lay dead. Some speak of a gorgeous 
funeral for her in the cathedral at Bayonne, the 
King of Castille and his son following her bier ; 
but there is no proof of this, and it is much more 
likely that her body was thrown quickly into a 
hasty grave in the churchyard of the village where 
she died. 

Here was a disastrous blow to her parents alike 
in their affections and their hopes. How Philippa 
received it history never tells ; but it must have 
gone deep with her. Edward wrote long letters to 
the King and Queen of Castille and to the mourn- 
ing bridegroom, crying to the former that " Your 
daughter and ours was by nature wonderfully en- 
dowed with gifts and graces ; but little now does it 
avail to praise them, or to describe the charms of 
that beloved one who is oh grief of heart ! for 
ever taken from us". Alfonso himself died not 
long after, of the same terrible plague ; and Pedro 
succeeded him as King of Castille ; but it soon be- 
came evident that Joan was indeed happier in dying 
unwed than she could possibly have become in 
reigning as Pedro's Queen. The wife he did take, 
Blanche of Bourbon, lived and died neglected, 
poisoned by her husband some twelve years later ; 
nor was this the only crime of the sort laid to his 
charge. Eleonora de Guzman, his father's mistress, 
also fell a victim to his hatred ; and sooner or later 
many more followed the same road. Immediately 
on Joan's death, the Bishop of Carlisle returned to 
England, where he was able to give her sorrowing 
parents some account of her last moments. All 
those who had ever served the young Princess were 
rewarded, and never forgotten by Edward and 



Philippa. Her nurse, Amy de Gloucester, who had 
already been pensioned, now received an additional 
yearly sum : and some six months later, Stephen de 
Cusyngton, " in part satisfaction of the great sum 
due to him of the time when in the King's service 
he went in company with the King's daughter Joan, 
now dead, to Gascony," was granted all the winter 
crops then growing on the lands of the Archbishop- 
ric of Canterbury, void at the time by the death of 
good Archbishop Stratford. 

Meanwhile the Black Death, having reached the 
coast of France, sprang from Calais to Dover, and 
spread rapidly over the whole of England and 
Scotland, the climatic conditions at the time being 
extraordinarily favourable to its dissemination. 
" From midsummer to Christmas," says Holinshed, 
" it continually rained ; not one day and night were 
dry together." Earthquakes, floods, and hailstorms 
further terrified the people ; rumours flew of 
showers of serpents that had fallen in the East, 
and whirlwinds before which strange and terrible 
insects had been carried for hundreds of miles. 
Superstition was rife ; and John Wycliffe at Oxford 
wrote " The Last Age of the Church," giving 1400 
as the latest date for the end of the world. No- 
body knew exactly how the awful plague had arisen, 
and as usual all blame was cast upon the Jews, 
who were accused of making poison out of owls, 
bats, spiders and " other venomous animals," and 
with it poisoning the wells. Thousands died of the 
Death, which raged its worst in London perhaps 
from November to Whitsuntide ; a Parliament had 
been called for January, but was of necessity pro- 
rogued, since it was considered dangerous for so 



many people to assemble together ; while the truce 
with France, which should have come to an end in 
September, was by mutual consent prolonged till 
October, of the following year. Sir Walter Manny 
set a noble and practical example in purchasing 
a piece of ground for the disposal of the dead in 
Smithfield, and it was reckoned that in this district 
alone 200 bodies a day were interred while the 
plague raged ; whilst at Norwich 57,374 people 
died " besides religious and beggars " ; at Yarmouth 
7000 out of 10,000 ; and at Bristol the living were 
scarcely sufficient to bury the dead. " Many ham- 
lets and villages," says Knyghton, "were desolated, 
without a house being let in them, all those who 
dwelt in them being dead ". At last, towards the 
summer of 1349, some slight diminution in the 
awful scourge was observed, and by Michaelmas 
the worst was over ; but the effects of this dire 
visitation are visible even to-day. It practically 
made, or at least accelerated, the Reformation, by 
the enormous mortality among priests, in conse- 
quence of which hundreds of men of an inferior 
class hurriedly took orders, and ultimately brought 
their profession into scandal and disrepute ; it slew 
too a good half of the population, and the working 
man, finding himself in such extraordinary request, 
could make his own terms, and in the course of a 
few years doubled his earnings and laid down the 
first principles of the trade union system. Many 
regarded it as a judgment upon England for the 
reckless frivolities of the preceding year, set them- 
selves strange penances to mollify Heaven, and 
worked hard to amend their ways ; while, as a bit 
of bathos, Holinshed records as one of its most 



serious results the curious fact that all children 
born during the year after the Black Death grew 
up to have " four cheek-teeth less than usual, namely 
twenty-eight instead of thirty-two, which people 
before that time commonlie used to have ! " 



MEE 1348-51 

DURING September, 1348, as already recorded, both 
England and France being devastated by pestilence, 
the truce between the countries was prolonged for 
another year, and at the same time, with the inten- 
tion of arranging a lasting peace, Philip suggested 
a meeting between the dowager Queens of the rival 
countries. Some historians have seen in this a 
diabolical plot to degrade Edward by dragging for- 
ward again the wretched story of his mother's dis- 
grace and crime, but it is doubtful if any such trick 
were intended. The proposal was declined, how- 
ever, and the quiet elderly woman moving about 
her son's Court like some dim shadow out of the 
stormy past was never again called upon to take 
an active part in political history. The negotia- 
tions were made over instead to Henry of Lancaster 
and the Comte d'Eu, but no satisfactory basis for 
peace was at this time found. 

David of Scotland had now been a prisoner in 
England for nearly two years, and although kept in 
no particularly cruel captivity, since he had com- 
fortable rooms in Windsor Castle, made many 
friends, and was a welcome guest at all jousts and 
festivities ; yet prison is prison, and his people at 



home sorely chafed at his position, and longed 
heartily for his return. Mainly, of course, his re- 
lease was a question of ransom : but Scotland was 
a poor country and Edward asked a large sum. 
There was one person, however, whose intercession 
might so obviously prove successful, that her people 
very naturally implored her to attempt it. Joan of 
the Tower, Queen of Scotland, received at her 
request a safeguard from her brother Edward to 
travel to England in the early part of October. It 
was made out to her merely as the " consort of 
David Bruce," and allowed her a stay of little more 
than a week in England : circumstances which 
must have added considerably to her natural 
timidity in approaching a brother whom she could 
scarcely remember and who was the most powerful 
foe of her captive husband. Joan, who is described 
by Wyntown, the rhyming chronicler of Scotland, 
in the words, 

" She was sweet and debonnaire, 
Courteous, homely, pleasant and fair : " 

had been, and remained till the end of her days, a 
true and gentle wife to a vicious and unsatisfactory 
husband. Edward and Philippa received her kindly, 
disarmed her nervousness, and made her very wel- 
come in England for some months ; but she was 
not allowed to enter David's cell, her proposals 
were quietly but firmly disregarded, and at last she 
rode back again to Scotland, sorrowful and alone. 
Edward was in fact kinder to her than she knew, 
for her husband was already happy with a mistress, 
and it could have given her little ease to observe 
how rapidly he had thrown off all interest in his 
country and his Queen. 



The royal family left London early in February, 
1349, probably in search of health, for the ominous 
shadow of the plague lay at its darkest over the 
capital ; and spent their spring and summer at 
Woodstock, Langley, Clarendon, and other country 
palaces. Such elementary doctoring as was pos- 
sible was naturally highly valued during this period 
of sickness and dismay, and it is not surprising to 
note that Master Godfrey de Fromound, the King's 
clerk and physician, is, for good services to the 
King within seas and beyond, "having by the 
King's orders many times attended Queen Philippa 
and others of her household," to receive 12d. daily, 
and eight marks yearly for his robes a munificent 
allowance ; and this whether he happened to be 
with the royal retinue or away. In spite of former 
failures, Edward made another attempt this spring 
to settle his daughter Isabella ; for on 1 Febru- 
ary the Marquis of Juliers was instructed to treat 
for a marriage between her and Charles, King of 
the Romans ; and to report fully all steps taken in 
the matter, which, however, came to nothing. Isa- 
bella's favourite lady-in-waiting, Isabella de Throx- 
ford, died this April, probably of the plague ; and 
the circumstance saddened her greatly for the time. 
Her extravagances still grew apace, however, and 
shortly after the King settled another 40 a year 
upon her " for the petty expenses of her chamber ". 

At Windsor in June Queen Philippa bore another 
son, who was named William. Her recovery af- 
forded an excuse for some return of festivity and 
merry-making, long in abeyance at Court, since the 
Black Death was now subsiding, and England could 
draw free breath once more. " At the Feast of the 



Nativity of St. John," says Stow, " the Queen was 
purified, and great jousts were held at Windsor ; " 
while an official paper of 20 July records that " The 
King orders his exchequer to pay our Philippa, our 
dearest consort, 500 to liquidate the expenses of 
her churching at Windsor ". There is mention of a 
bill for 60 paid by the King " for twelve carpets 
for Queen Philippa's confinement ". In spite of all 
the attempts at jollity, however, this second Prince 
William died in infancy, and shares the tomb of his 
baby sister, Blanche of the Tower, in St. Edmund's 
Chapel at Westminster Abbey. Little Margaret 
still remained the baby of the family. One happier 
accomplishment of this year was the completion, dur- 
ing August, of the beautiful chapel of St. Stephen 
at the Royal Palace of Westminster, " nobly begun 
by our ancestors," as Edward declares in his pro- 
clamation on the subject, and now at last ready to 
stand open day and night for prayer and worship. 

During August and September Philippa made 
a royal progress through the west of England, of 
which one incident only finds record. She spent 
three days in Dorsetshire, and before she left, made 
offering of a piece of cloth of gold upon the tomb 
of Sir Hugh Courtenay, a young knight who had 
been an intimate friend of the royal family. He 
had taken part in the siege of Calais, had returned 
with the royal party to England, been created one of 
the first Knights of the Garter, and now, aged only 
twenty-four, lay dead. There were many deaths, 
of both old and young, to deplore that year in Eng- 
land, another being that of the fair Katherine, 
Countess of Salisbury, whom some hold to have 
unwillingly charmed the heart of her susceptible 



King ; and indeed it was a sad and unfortunate 
period altogether. Scandal came very near the 
royal family in the person of Fair Maid Joan, who, 
on her betrothed husband the Earl of Salisbury at 
last claiming her promise and carrying her off by 
force, announced herself to be no maid at all, but 
wedded secretly three years earlier to jolly Sir 
Thomas Holland of the Blind Eye, formerly Steward 
of the Household to Salisbury himself. Here was 
a question for the clerks to settle, for she had been 
contracted so long before to the young Earl that 
nobody knew which tie was the more binding ; but 
the Pope being referred to, decided that since she 
and Holland had actually lived together privately 
as man and wife, the lesser evil would be to let him 
have her. The former promise, however, was con- 
sidered so solemn and irrevocable that it was 
necessary for an actual divorce to be pronounced 
between Joan and Salisbury, who is always given 
in any genealogical table as the first of her three 

All this cannot much have pleased Edward and 
Philippa, and there is little doubt Joan had kept 
her marriage so secret in the hope that her cousin 
the Prince might yet come forward to ask for her 
hand, in which case, she could plead the irregu- 
larities of her two unions as a sufficient excuse for 
slipping out of both. This plan was now baffled : 
Salisbury married instead Elizabeth de Mohun ; 
and Joan fell from the rank of a Countess to that 
of plain Dame Holland. The husband she had 
married, however, was a distinguished man, one of 
the first Knights of the Garter, member of a family 
which boasted nine Knights of that Order in three 



generations, a notable warrior of Crecy and other 
campaigns, and now no less remarkable for thus 
carrying off the beauty of the Court under the noses 
of every sighing noble in England. The Prince's 
attitude on this occasion appears very enigmatical. 
Indeed Philippa's eldest son presents a curious 
character to the student of history, who, in many 
cases, finds the regrettable necessity of totally re- 
versing traditional judgments, and cannot but paint 
the Black Prince, brave indeed as his father, but 
cruel from youth, cautious, coldly selfish, and never 
inspired by any generous enthusiasm. It is true he 
would not easily have won consent to marriage with 
his cousin, but he was nineteen now, of mature age 
as it was then considered, and if he had really 
evinced any ardour in the matter, both his parents 
were far too warm-hearted to have long withstood 
his wishes. Yet he stood silently by, with watchful 
eyes on Joan, and saw bluff Thomas Holland carry 
her off without a word. There is no doubt he de- 
sired her, but perhaps her deceitful and scandalous 
conduct had disgusted him for the moment, and in 
any case he never cared to range himself on the un- 
popular side. Yet he remained good friends with 
Joan, and as years went on and her boys and girls 
were born, even stood godfather to two of the 

Philippa was still busy all this year with the 
affairs of her many estates. In the preceding Sep- 
tember she had received an order of protection for 
her men and merchants of the town of Galway, Ire- 
land, and for their ships, goods, and merchandise to 
trade for two years in England, Ireland, Wales, 
Gascony, Flanders, and all the King's dominions ; 



this autumn she let two manors to William de la 
Pole for 250 marks ; while during the winter a 
French ship laden with " wine, fruit, hides and other 
goods for the King's enemies " was arrested as a 
forfeit at Bristol, and at Philippa's request the 
whole rich prize was made over to her. In Sep- 
tember, too, the King granted her the keeping of 
the lands of the late Philip le Despenser during the 
minority of his heir, together with the marriage of 
the said heir, which, properly managed, should pro- 
vide her a rich income. Considering that the late 
Philip's widow was still living, and about a year 
later, the Queen sold back to her the custody of a 
great part of the lands and the marriage of the heir 
for a large sum down, this transaction seems hardly 
fair ; but such a case was, as a matter of fact, a 
jealously-guarded perquisite of the Crown, and 
neither Edward nor Philippa could have been ex- 
pected to forego it. A good part of the royal in- 
come arose from minorities and marriages, and there 
was nothing very surprising in an entry occurring 
not long after to the effect that " John de Shenle is 
appointed to seize the body of Elizabeth, one of the 
daughters and heirs of John de Wolverton, tenant 
in chief, within age, whose marriage belongs to the 
King, and to bring her with all convenient speed 
to Westminster, to be delivered to the keeper of 
the King's wardrobe there ". But if Philippa in- 
sisted upon her rights and privileges, she at the 
same time never forgot to reward her friends and 
attendants ; such entries are constant, and almost 
monotonous in their wording. Edmund Rose, the 
King's yeoman, married Agnes Archer, the Queen's 
damsel, and for their good services the pair received 

209 14 


an annuity of forty marks. Forty marks yearly at 
the exchequer were made payable "at Queen 
Philippa's request" to her damsel Elizabeth de 
Vaux. John de Talworth and his wife Perota got 
twenty marks yearly for good services to the King 
and Queen ; while ten pounds yearly was granted 
severally to Roger and Agnes Belet, and to Peter 
and Elizabeth de Routh, with the condition that if 
either of the parties should die, the annuity should 
be continued to the survivor. Queen Philippa also 
this year presented a cask of Gascon wine to the 
lady Amy de la Vache, wife of Sir Richard de la 
Vache, K.G. ; and besides all these, she busied her- 
self to obtain another advowson, that of Shawe, for 
her Hall at Oxford. A few months later, being 
apparently unable to obtain sufficient workmen for 
the making of a park she wished at Brixstoke, the 
King himself issued orders to his yeoman, Walter 
Wyght, keeper of the said park, to hire carpenters, 
workmen, and attendants, and to see that all was 
finished as soon and as completely as possible ; 
with the proper dykes, lodges, deer-leaps and en- 
closures ; trenches to be cut, palings repaired where 
necessary, and the wood of certain trees either 
to be sold or made into charcoal as should seem 
best for Queen Philippa's interests. 

In spite of the truce with France, there was con- 
stant activity among the enemy, and Edward found 
it necessary to watch his coasts with due vigilance 
lest he be taken unawares. Late in December he 
learned that an attack was to be made on Calais on 
the last night of the year, and that Sir Almeric de 
Pavia, an Italian knight whom he had made Gover- 
nor of the town, had been bribed to admit the 



French. He ordered Sir Walter Manny to go to 
the defence, himself and his son choosing to fight 
as private gentlemen beneath Manny's banner, and 
with many a gallant feat of arms, the French were 
beaten back and Calais town held firm. Once 
more, flushed with victory, the King and Prince re- 
turned to Philippa, and the Feast of the Garter was 
celebrated with exceptional splendour this April at 
Windsor, the country being at last free from the 
dreadful shadow of disease. The King, his son, 
and the other Knights of the Order, all robed in 
russet with blue Garters and mantles, walked bare- 
headed to the Koyal Chapel, where Mass was cele- 
brated by the Archbishop of Canterbury and the 
Bishops of Winchester and Exeter. Having de- 
voutly attended this service, they took part in 
magnificent jousts, and finished with a gorgeous 
banquet served at the Round Table in the great 
tower at Windsor, which had been built in ten 
months and cost Edward the sum of 500. The 
table was actually set in the gallery which ran all 
round the tower, and the knights sat at it upon one 
side only, with their backs to the wall, so that they 
could look and talk across the hall at their com- 
rades. The servants' passage ran under the gallery, 
with an open space between. 

The early spring had already brought news of 
two French weddings. Old Philip of France 
married Blanche of Navarre, a pretty girl of 
eighteen ; and his son John allied himself with the 
wealthy and widowed Countess of Boulogne ; but 
only seven months later, Philip died at Nugent le 
Roy, on August 22, 1350, and was succeeded by 
his son John, who immediately confirmed the truce, 



which had already been extended till August 1, 
1351. Another royal death brought fresh enemies 
to England. Alfonso of Castille expired of the 
plague in March, and was succeeded by his son 
Pedro, who should have been Edward's son-in-law, 
and whose claim to the throne he therefore heartily 
supported. But an elder brother of Pedro's had 
died leaving a son, Charles de la Cerda, who held 
a prior right, and who, being cousin to the King 
of France, claimed and got his help, if only as a 
side means of attacking England without ostensibly 
breaking the truce. The trouble began with mar- 
auding raids of Spanish pirates upon the English 
coast, which soon became so daring and were per- 
petrated by such large numbers of ships that it was 
evident the movement could be no longer looked 
upon as a mere private enterprise. In the begin- 
ning of August news arrived that forty Spanish 
ships had assembled at Sluys with the intention of 
invading England ; and Edward sent word to the 
Archbishop of Canterbury to pray and bid all the 
clergy of the country pray for the defeat of the 
intruders ; while he himself promptly set out with 
Philippa, the Prince of Wales, the Earl of Lan- 
caster, little Lord John, and 400 knights for Win- 
chelsea. Here the Queen and her ladies parted 
from the rest and retired to a neighbouring con- 
vent, whence they could watch the seas and pray 
for victory, while the army embarked at Sandwich 
on August 28. Philippa, whom one would have 
imagined fairly inured to the risks of war by now, 
seems to have been more troubled upon this oc- 
casion than ever before. It is true the odds stood 
heavily against her husband, for his ships equalled 



but a fourth part of the Spanish fleet ; yet in all 
his victories hitherto he had been greatly out- 
numbered, and the circumstance only appeared to 
render him more daring and more successful. 
Still, Philippa had not been actually present at the 
beginning of any of these battles, and did not fully 
know the dangers till they were over : nor had her 
little boy John ever yet taken part in one. John 
was only ten, but a great pet with his eldest 
brother, who insisted on taking him with him in 
his own ship ; and it is perhaps small wonder that 
the mother of both and wife of the King should 
have remained behind in some apprehension, for 
much was risked that day. 

One of the most curious characteristics of these 
times is the carelessness and indeed the absolute 
glee with which royal and noble knights staked 
every day, not only their lives, but the happiness 
and actual safety of all they loved or who had 
claims upon them, on some reckless and foolhardy 
adventure. One cannot but admire the dashing 
gallantry of it, even while realizing, as apparently 
the knights themselves never did, the disastrous 
results which must have ensued had fortune not 
favoured them. Perhaps the mere madness of the 
attack carried them through where more prudent 
nations considered, hesitated, and were lost ; and 
certainly one cannot claim that luck alone won all 
the victories of Edward and his son. Both pos- 
sessed cool heads, quick eyes, and the absolute 
confidence of their men, appealing thus both to the 
practical common sense and the romantic imagina- 
tions of those they led ; and their orders seem to 
have been fully as aptly given and as triumph- 


antly carried out on sea as on land. Edward 
himself set sail this time in his favourite ship the 
" Cog Thomas " ; his two sons were in another vessel, 
and Lancaster in yet a third ; Sir Thomas Holland 
too was of the party. For the whole of Saturday, 
the fleet cruised about seeing nothing ; and Sunday 
afternoon being warm and misty, the King, dressed 
in a black velvet jacket and a black beaver hat 
which " became him well," sat upon deck, and 
commanded his minstrels to play a German dance 
which had been brought to England by his trusted 
knight Sir John Chandos. From time to time the 
King glanced up to the castle on the mast, where 
stood certain look-out men watching for the 
Spaniards, but these gave no sign, and the minstrels 
played right merrily, and never, says Froissart, was 
the King more joyous. After a time Chandos sang 
himself, and being an accomplished musician, won 
great praise from the King ; in the midst of which 
came a hoarse cry from above, " Ho ! I see one 
coming that looks like a Spanish ship ! " Instantly 
the music stopped, and all listened breathless. 
Again the voice shouted, " I see two, three, four 
God help me, I see so many I cannot count them ! " 
" Sound the trumpet," shouted Edward ; " and get 
the ships under way." 

Almost before the knights could throw on their 
armour, the whole Spanish fleet burst out of the 
fog around them. The English tactics were 
childishly elementary and direct ; but they served. 
Each ship ran straight for a Spaniard, grappled her, 
and hung on with bull-dog tenacity, fighting till the 
English could get on board, and fling all still living 
into the sea. The Spaniards dropped huge bars of 



wood and heavy lumps of metal upon their oppon- 
ents, hoping thus to sink their ships, in which they 
often succeeded. Both the King and the Prince 
had ships sunk under them, and only just conquered 
a prize in time to scramble on to it and see their 
own vessel go down ; indeed, the Prince would 
have drowned with his, had not the Earl of Lan- 
caster sailed up in the nick of time to his other 
side. The " Salle du Roi," under Sir Robert of 
Namur, was just being carried off by the huge 
Spaniard to which she had hooked herself, when 
" a varlet called Hannekin " leapt on the foe's deck 
and cut the yards of her mainsail, which fell 
heavily, entangling and injuring many of her men, 
and so saved the English ship. The day ended in 
a glorious victory for England. In all fourteen 
(some say twenty-six) of the Spanish ships were 
lost or taken, and having pursued the rest back to 
the French coast, Edward and his fleet anchored 
at Eye and Winchelsea a little after nightfall, when, 
says Froissart, " the King and his sons took horses 
in the town and rode to the monastery where the 
Queen was, scarcely two English leagues distant. 
She was mightily rejoiced on seeing her lord and 
children ; for she had suffered that day great afflic- 
tion from her doubts of their success, for her at- 
tendants had seen from the hills of the coast the 
whole battle, as the weather was fine and clear ; 
and had told the Queen, who was very anxious to 
learn the number of the enemy, that the Spanish 
had forty large ships : she was, therefore, much 
comforted by their safe return. The King and his 
knights passed the night in revelry with their ladies, 
conversing of arms and amours ". 



This battle, which is known by the title of Le- 
spagnols sur Mer, and which won for Edward the 
proud title of King of the Sea, has been little noticed 
by historians. It was quickly over, and the Spanish 
troubled these coasts no more for many years, but 
it might very easily have been the means of dealing 
a crushing blow at the prestige of England ; and 
had the King or Prince been slain or captured, it 
would have taken years before the country could 
have recovered her position. As it was, an almost 
magical good fortune followed the English ; their 
numbers might be paltry, their cause doubtful, 
their methods wild, still they remained uncon- 
quered, and the circumstance gave them an 
increasing confidence and their foes an ever-grow- 
ing dread through every fresh campaign. But 
Philippa, as a looker-on, saw more of the game, 
and realized that all this could not last for 
ever. Of late she has appeared chiefly in the r61e 
of the much-busied woman of affairs, and it is 
almost with surprise that we find this other side of 
her many-sided character emerge the tender 
mother and the anguished wife. Yet it was always 
there, and always the strongest instinct in her ; 
though she was a strong woman, with that calm, 
steadfast strength that is not easily shaken. Many 
women might have envied Philippa, great Queen, 
wise Regent, worshipped wife, dearly-loved mother ; 
but as another little English queen said many cen- 
turies later, "They don't know the difficulty". 
Philippa already saw the inevitable downfall of all 
that had been too quickly raised upon too giddy a 
foundation, and though this catastrophe arrived 
not in her lifetime, there is little doubt that 


To face page 216 

From Johne's ' ' Froissart ' 



the imminence of it greatly saddened her latter 

Still for the moment all was joy and victory, and 
the royal family returned to London to be acclaimed 
by the populace, and to prepare for what was ap- 
parently an excessively severe winter. Early in 
October, Thomas Leggy, citizen and merchant of 
London, was charged by the Queen " to purvey furs 
and other things pertaining to the mistery of peltry 
for her and the King's children in her custody and 
the members of her household, and to hire workers 
in furs". She at the same time granted to 
Thomas, son of John de Berkampstead, and Wil- 
liam Fifhide and his sons, ten waggon-loads of 
wood suitable for firewood, beeches, oaks, birches, 
etc. ; to be taken from near her manor of Berk- 
hampstead in Ashdown forest yearly for her life at 
any time they chose ; together with free ingress 
and egress, common of pasture for thirteen cows 
and a bull through the year, and for their issue 
while sucklings ; also for thirty swine, and all this 
to be retained after her death. The cares of her 
many estates pressed heavily upon her again this 
winter. Her house and buildings at Castle Devizes, 
Wiltshire, needed repairing ; and carpenters, plas- 
terers and stonemasons were engaged for these ; 
whilst at Mortlake in October, she leased to Thomas 
de Colleye her manor of Stratfield Mortimer, 
Berks, with its park, mill, etc., during her lifetime 
for the sum of 40 a year. She reserved to herself 
in this case all the knights' fees, advowsons, mar- 
riages, venison, fisheries in stews, stanks, lakes and 
dykes, swans, rabbits, and "all other royal liberties " ; 
while on his part the tenant undertook to keep the 



place in complete order, provide timber for the 
roof when necessary, plough and manure the soil, 
and not to keep too many swine or little pigs 
rather a vague condition. Apparently Thomas 
de Colleye found the advantages to himself some- 
what small in this very complete repairing lease, 
for about a year after, he complained to the King 
that he could get no profit from the herbage of the 
park, out of which a great part of the farm ought 
to come, because his, the King's, mares, colts and 
fillies were always kept there. Edward on this 
agreed to give the Queen as lady of the manor 5s. 
apiece for the sustenance of his beasts, and she 
passed the payment on to her tenant, who was 
thereby satisfied ; but a few years later, old Roger 
Mortimer's great-grandson being restored to his 
dignities and estates, this manor of Stratfield Mor- 
timer formed part of them, and other arrangements 
were made. 

The royal family seems to have employed many 
different doctors and apothecaries, and early in Jan- 
uary, 1351, one Bartholomew Thomasyn, described 
as " a citizen of London, born in parts beyond the 
seas, but who from his youth up has made his stay 
in the city of London, and has there a permanent 
domicile, wife, and children," was rewarded by the 
King for his good services to himself, Queen Isa- 
bella his mother, and Queen Philippa his consort, 
by a grant of the full liberties of a citizen of London, 
and a quittance of the 3d. in the pound and other 
customs paid by aliens on all goods exported and 
imported. About the same time a curious entry 
appears in the Rolls to the effect that " William 
Pouche, who had been taken from the Flete prison 



where he lay under debt to the King, and by the 
King's order had been permitted to go beyond seas 
upon some difficult business for him and for Queen 
Philippa, is so much occupied by the said business 
that he can by no means return to prison at the 
time appointed, and is therefore by the King's order 
not to be molested ". In August Philippa started 
important works at Banstead, and her carpenter 
William de Ledecombe was appointed to engage 
stonemasons, plumbers, and other workmen, and to 
arrange about carriage for the necessary materials. 
But the most important business transaction of the 
year lay in her enterprise in opening up the coal 
mines of Tynedale and the lead works of Derby. 
The commercial prosperity of Great Britain owes 
indeed far more than it is aware to that great- 
hearted Flemish lady, Philippa of Hainault. Her 
shrewd common sense first placed upon a sound 
working basis the woollen manufacture of Norwich ; 
and her keen eye first saw the possibilities lying 
dormant since the reign of Henry III in the Tyne- 
dale mines, and the chances of wealth to be got 
from the lead of the High Peak country. The coal 
mines had been abandoned in consequence of the 
Scottish wars and raids till now, when the King 
granted his wife permission for her bailiff, Alan de 
Strothere, to work certain mines at Aldernstone, 
and these proved so successful that shortly after 
other mines were sunk, and a fresh source of 
revenue for England opened up. In February she 
obtained permission to appoint one Thomas de 
Clogh, already her keeper of the castle, town and 
honour of High Peak, Derby, keeper also of the 
forest and lead mine and all appurtenances, with 



full power to search the forest for cattle and tres- 
passers ; for all which she paid him twenty marks a 
year, with robes and brushwood. In May he was 
charged by her to hire men to work the lead mine 
for her use ; and she also engaged a certain John 
de Moneyasse, who undertook to " find lead from 
time to time as required by the King and Queen 
for their works in London," and to arrange as well 
with men, mariners, and ships for its transport from 
the Peak to London. 




THE better part of the year 1351 was enlivened 
once more with preparations for another royal 
wedding. The Princess Isabella, now nineteen, 
beautiful, wealthy, extravagant, and capricious, was 
pleased to fall violently in love with a humble 
adorer, a certain young Gascon noble named Ber- 
nard Ezzi, son of the distinguished diplomat of the 
same name, and Lord of Albret. There was no 
political importance to be gained from such a union, 
but Edward had hitherto been so unfortunate in 
his matrimonial plans for his children, and he had 
always found it so impossible to deny Isabella any- 
thing she demanded, that she had little trouble in 
winning his consent to this very inconsiderable 
match. Early in May he wrote to Ezzi the father 
concerning " our very dear elder daughter, whom 
we have loved with special affection," and warmly 
agreed to the betrothal " with mutually glad hearts ". 
Nothing is said of Philippa's approval, but so shrewd 
a woman cannot have failed to perceive that although 
the young man was genuinely and desperately in 
love with so exalted a young lady as the Princess 
Royal of England, the whole affair was the merest 
caprice on Isabella's part. Nevertheless, prepara- 
tions were pushed on. Grants were made, with 



the consent of Parliament, both to the Lord of 
Albret and his son, " in conseqaence of the marri- 
age to be contracted between him and Isabella, the 
King's first-born daughter " : and several of Isa- 
bella's old attendants were handsomely pensioned 
off. There is mention of payments " to Joan de 
Fostebury, for great labour long time endured in 
company of the King's daughter Isabella," and 
again " to Margery Ingelly, for good services to the 
King's daughter Isabella, and because she is now 
too old to labour as she used " ; which sound as 
though Isabella's attendants enjoyed no sinecure. 
Edward was determined his favourite daughter 
should be honoured with a sufficiently splendid wed- 
ding, and gave orders to hang the Royal Chapel 
at Windsor with cloth of gold for the occasion ; but 
on the Lord of Albret requesting that the marriage 
should take place in Gascony instead, he seems to 
have raised no objection, and indeed to have re- 
garded such a suggestion as quite natural, as in 
the case of a royal prince it would of course have 
been. He settled a handsome portion upon Isa- 
bella, with the rather curious condition that if for 
any reason the marriage never took place, she should 
still retain it : this almost seeming as if on second 
thoughts he regretted his consent, and were half- 
bribing her still to give up her lover while there 
was yet time. 

It went without saying that Isabella's wedding 
outfit should be no less gorgeous than that sup- 
plied to any former royal bride. The details of her 
dresses would fill pages to describe, and all were 
embroidered in silver or gold with trees, doves, 
bears, and all manner of curious devices. Special 



mention is made of a costly mantle of Indian silk, 
furred with ermine ; while she had much valuable 
jewellery, many beautiful chaplets, and in particular 
119 "circlets of silk and pearls," each ornamented 
with an Agnus Dei in gold on green velvet, and 
probably intended for wedding favours. It was 
settled that the bride should leave home immedi- 
ately after Christmas, and about the middle of 
November Edward issued orders to Walter de 
Harewell, his serjeant-at-arms, to "arrest" five 
ships in ports and places west of the mouth of the 
Thames for her passage, while all masters and 
mariners bound for Gascony were instructed to 
assemble at Plymouth, in order to conduct her to 
those parts. Then, quite suddenly, just a week or 
so before she was to sail, Isabella changed her mind, 
and said she would not marry Ezzi after all. En- 
treaties and remonstrances were of no avail : she 
decided she had nothing to gain and all to lose by 
such a marriage : she kept the money, and one pre- 
sumes the clothes ; and the unhappy Bernard Ezzi, 
alone and broken-hearted, returned to Gascony, 
renounced all his rights in favour of his younger 
brother, entered a monastery, and died very shortly 

Edward seems to have taken a perverse delight 
in his daughter's conduct of this affair, and heaped 
honours and estates upon her as if to emphasise his 
approval. Certainly the match could have been for 
nothing but love, and if Isabella were not sure of 
her heart she was right to break it off even at the 
last moment, but there were circumstances of pecu- 
liar perfidy on her part ; and if it be true, as the 
French say, that " // y a toujours une femme qui se 



venge de I'autre," she had taken excellent care in 
this case to make a true man pay for the misdeeds 
of a false. Philippa perhaps foresaw the catas- 
trophe from the beginning ; at any rate she took 
little part in the wedding arrangements, and her 
daughter's action only served, unhappily, to widen 
the gulf between them. Isabella enjoyed a quite 
unique position at Court, with all the advantages 
and none of the duties of a married woman ; there 
were twelve years between her and her next sister 
Mary ; she had her independent household and a 
generous income with no calls upon it but for her 
own amusement, and if, in spite of this, she never 
paid her servants and was constantly in debt, she 
knew well that very little wheedling was required 
to get anything she cared to ask from her father. 
The situation was a new one in English society ; 
hitherto every Princess, unless destined for the 
cloister, had been married at fifteen ; and it was 
left for Isabella to demonstrate how pleasant a 
time a single woman, wealthy and well born, might 
enjoy. But Philippa, burdened with all the tender 
cares of a young family, and hugging the high 
principles to which the least of debt spells degrada- 
tion, could not approve her daughter's self-centred 
butterfly existence, and saw but little of her at 
this period. She too was harassed for want of 
funds, and at the close of the year it is recorded 
that the King pardoned her for life the yearly rent 
of fifty-one shillings due to him for her manor of 
Langele Marreys. 

Slow negotiations had for some time too been 
proceeding concerning the Hainault estates. The 
whole matter had now been placed in the hands of 



the faithful Henry of Lancaster, who by means of 
great tact persuaded the widowed Empress to 
abdicate in favour of her eldest son William, who 
thus became Earl of Hainault and Duke of Bavaria. 
William was an amiable if weak-minded youth, and 
always a great favourite with his English aunt and 
uncle pardons are recorded at his request so 
matters now were very quickly and amicably settled ; 
and in the following spring, the young Earl married 
Lancaster's elder daughter Maud, who had been 
the widow of the Earl of Stafford at six, and was 
now only twelve years old. Both Edward and 
Philippa were pleased at the marriage, which took 
place with great pomp at Westminster in the pres- 
ence of the whole Court ; and almost immediately 
after, Henry, now created Duke of Lancaster, ac- 
companied his daughter and her husband back to 
the Continent, leaving his only other child, little 
Blanche, at home in England. He had not been 
successful in another mission with which Edward 
had charged him, to arrange a marriage between 
John of Gaunt and the baby daughter of the Count 
of Flanders, Isabella's perfidious bridegroom ; and 
it was destined instead that in a few years' time 
that same little golden-haired Blanche should her- 
self wed the Lord John, and bring him a great 
inheritance and a famous title. 

Lancaster encountered many adventures while on 
his diplomatic errands abroad, and on one occasion 
was suddenly arrested and thrown into a German 
prison at the command of some mysterious person- 
age whose name he could not discover. After some 
days' thraldom, and the payment of a stiff ransom, 
he regained his liberty, and on pushing inquiries 

225 16 


concerning his captor learnt him to be the Duke of 
Brunswick, whom he promptly and publicly accused 
before the Marquis of Juliers and several others of 
dishonourably detaining him with the intention of 
handing him over to the King of France. Such 
a charge could not be ignored, and Brunswick sent 
heralds after Lancaster flatly denying it, and offering 
to decide the question by personal combat. There 
being at the time truce with France, King John's 
Court was held the proper place to decide the 
matter, and Lancaster obtained a safe conduct 
thither for himself and sixty attendant knights. He 
was received with great honour, and as he still in- 
sisted upon his charge and Brunswick as strenuously 
denied it, the lists were set before the whole Court 
for the trial by arms. Both Dukes appeared upon 
the field prepared for combat, and both took a 
solemn oath that their cause was just and that 
they bore no charms or secret weapons about them ; 
but whereas Lancaster's voice was firm and strong, 
Brunswick turned pale, hesitated, and dropped his 
shield as he spoke. On this the King of France 
refused to allow the duel to proceed ; but Lancaster, 
absolutely declining to withdraw his charge, left 
the field with all the honours of war. 

Although on this occasion King John seems to 
have respected the truce, it was constantly and 
wantonly infringed upon the very flimsiest of pre- 
texts. His sense of honour was to English notions 
woefully lacking, and the greatest indignation was 
caused at Edward's Court by his treatment of the 
noble Comte d'Eu, Constable of France, whom Stow 
styles "the Earl of Ewe". This gentleman had 
been taken prisoner a few years earlier, and had 



spent some time in a kind of honourable captivity 
at Windsor : the King and Queen both granted him 
their friendship ; he played a distinguished part at 
the great jousts : and was at length permitted to 
go free to France in order to collect his ransom. 
No sooner had he arrived in Paris, however, than 
King John sent for him, had him arrested, and 
ordered his execution without any proper trial. It 
was supposed that the King's jealous rage had been 
roused by his vassal sharing in the splendours of 
the English tournament while the French " Knights 
of the Star " met with very scant recognition from 
the rest of Europe ; but the reason given was that 
the Count had treacherously entered into a compact 
with Edward to sell him the castle of Guisnes. 
Whether this story were true or not, so much re- 
sentment was roused against John among his own 
people that many of his nobles immediately re- 
nounced their allegiance to him and joined Edward, 
and the very castle of Guisnes itself was shortly 
after made over to the English King. 

This was not the only evidence of treacherous 
conduct both to foes and friends on John's part. 
In the spring of 1351, in spite of the truce, St. Jean 
d'Angely was so straitly besieged by the French 
that the garrison sent in despair to Edward for help, 
since all their food was gone. Edward had the 
letters read twice to him, remarking that they con- 
tained " a reasonable request, to which he must 
listen " ; and the fortress was relieved for the time, 
though subsequently , taken by John. Affairs in 
England meanwhile were still troublesome. David 
of Scotland was allowed to return home in Septem- 
ber, 1351, to attempt the settlement of his ransom, 



but was unable to arrive at any arrangement, and 
returned to prison the following spring. An at- 
tempt was made at more peaceful conditions with 
Ireland, and in the same September pardons were 
granted to several Irish outlaws, "on condition 
that they bore themselves faithfully to the King 
and people, and counselled and helped the Lord 
Lionel in the recovery and maintenance of his rights 
there " ; the counsel and help being of course rather 
more for Lionel's mother. Philippa continued to be 
busy and kind during this year and the next. She 
granted to her yeoman John de Sahan, in considera- 
tion of his long services to her, the constableship of 
Pevensey Castle, " with the herbage of the castle 
for his life so far as in her lay," with sixpence a day 
for his wages, and the castle to be well stocked with 
men and victuals ; all on the understanding that no 
fault or mischief should come to it in his time. 
Her damsel Margery de Sutton was also granted 
lands at Tickhill, forfeited by the trespass of one 
Robert Clarell, then dead : another damsel, Eliza- 
beth de Vaux, with an annuity of forty marks for 
life, got a farm as well ; and her clerk, Augustine 
Waleys and his wife Maud received lands at 
Haveryng. John de Melford, her yeoman, for long 
services to the King and Queen, got twelve pence a 
day for wages about this time ; Hugh de Segrave, 
on the same conditions, got the office of crier in 
the Bench, with fees and all profits ; and John de 
Keynesham, who already had the keepingof the 
park at Keynesham for life, now in consideration 
of good services to the King's consort Queen Phil- 
ippa and to his son Lionel, obtained in addition the 
keeping of the little park, outwood, and warren, to 



be held for his life at the wages of threepence a day. 
In the spring of 1352 the Black Death again re- 
turned, though in a much milder form, to England ; 
but it does not seem to have interfered materially 
with any of the Court festivities. The Feast of 
St. George was celebrated as usual at Windsor with 
great pomp ; and Philippa's offering at High Mass 
on the occasion is particularly mentioned. 

Sir Thomas Holland and his wife the Fair Joan 
appear to have quickly fallen into monetary diffi- 
culties. In August, 1352, a grant is recorded of 
"100 marks at exchequer to Thomas de Holand 
and Joan his wife the King's kinswoman, yearly 
for the said Joan's life, in aid of sustenance, unless 
her brother shall die without heirs of his body". 
Whether they would long have kept out of debt 
with this assistance will never be known, for only 
a year later the young Earl did actually die without 
heirs, and Joan became Countess of Kent and Lady 
de Wake in her own right, with all the revenues 
and estates pertaining to the titles in her own hands. 
In the summer of 1353, she and her husband gave 
formal consent to the assignment of certain manors 
to her sister-in-law the widowed Countess, and they 
thereupon took up their position once more in Court 
society, quite forgiven for their very unconventional 
wedding. Holland was summoned to attend Par- 
liament the same autumn, and a few years later 
assumed the title of Earl of Kent in his wife's right. 

During the summer of 1353, Holinshed speaks of 
a great drought, when there was no corn for the 
people, and " beeves and muttons waxed deere for 
want of grass ". Young William of Hainault, hear- 
ing of this distress in his wife's country, brought 



" many ships of rye to London for the relief of the 
people who pitifully pined, if not utterly perished 
through the present pinching penurie". Philippa 
claimed this March, as her right of wreck, a certain 
ship named "La Marie," which certain merchants of 
Berwick had chartered from Flanders for home, 
and which was wrecked off Saltfletehaven in Lin- 
colnshire. Some of the sailors were saved, but the 
ship was broken up, and evil persons carried off the 
goods and victuals, which belonged legally to the 
Queen ; Edward therefore appointed a commission 
to inquire into the matter. In September, Margery, 
widow of John de Ravensholme, and her heirs, in 
consideration of her services to the King and Queen 
Philippa, was granted 100 yearly at exchequer ; 
and a little later, one Peter Malore, chivaler, 
prisoner in the Flete for debts to the King and 
Queen Philippa, was set free to find the money to 
pay them, and was not to be arrested at any other 
suit till he had done so. At the same time Edward 
granted the manors of Weden Pynkeneye, North- 
ampton ; Cosham, Wiltshire ; and Swalcly ve, Berk- 
shire, to his daughter Isabella for life, she still 
finding her income too small for her expenditure. 

Philippa's mind was much troubled about this 
time concerning the futures of her two younger 
daughters. Mary had been betrothed from her birth 
to the young Duke of Brittany, whose rival, Charles 
of Blois, had been a prisoner in the Tower since 
1347 ; but Blois, now wearied after five years of 
captivity, begged his release of Edward, offering a 
great ransom and his alliance against France in ex- 
change ; the pledge of his friendship to be a marriage 
between his son and the little Princess Margaret. 



Edward seems to have seriously considered the 
idea, which had also the approval of the Pope, 
and since Blois was first cousin to Queen Philippa, 
no doubt he hoped for her good favour also ; but 
though she would not actually interfere with any 
action the King chose to take, it is clear she viewed 
the proposal with the greatest distaste. Honest 
Lancaster spoke roundly out against it. It would 
not be possible, he pointed out, for the sisters to 
marry rivals, so if the offer of Blois was accepted, 
faith must be broken with young de Montfort and 
his mother, a very grave blot on Edward's honour ; 
nor was it in the least likely that Blois would really 
keep his word, and desert John of France, to whom 
he was very necessary, and who would certainly 
stick at nothing to retain his support. Neverthe- 
less, in the summer of 1353, Blois was permitted to 
return to France, leaving his two sons and daughter 
as hostages for the promised ransom of 40,000 
florins ; but young de Montfort, now thirteen years 
old, getting wind of the transaction, appeared at a 
great tournament in Smithfield in resplendent ar- 
mour for the first time as the Duke of Brittany ; 
and since Edward here recognized his title, the 
cause of his rival was again lost. Blois hurriedly 
collected the promised sum for his ransom, got a 
dispensation from the Pope for the wedding, and 
hastened back the following autumn to find his 
hopes once more baffled. As an excuse for his 
action, Edward pointed out that some of Blois' 
people had attacked a castle of his, in consequence 
of which he had regarded the proposed treaty as 
broken : he therefore refused to accept the ran- 
som, and Blois was obliged to return to captivity for 



two years more, this time with the society of his 
daughter to cheer him, though his sons were dis- 
missed to France. 

The war had by this time lasted so long that 
murmurs were not wanting in England against the 
unnecessary waste of men, time, and money ; and 
during the Parliament held in September, 1353, Ed- 
ward adopted a conciliatory policy, and informed 
his people that he had sent the Archbishop of 
Canterbury and the Duke of Lancaster to offer 
King John terms of peace ; but that these had 
been met only with a contemptuous silence, and he 
must therefore in honour continue the war ; for 
which he needed fresh subsidies for three years. 
That his terms had been rejected is scarcely sur- 
prising, when we learn that his offer was to renounce 
all claims to the French Crown on condition that 
Guienne, Ponthieu, Normandy, and all the lands he 
had conquered in France, Brittany and elsewhere, 
together with the obeisance of Flanders, should 
be his without paying homage. Nevertheless, the 
matter was laid before the Pope at Christmas, 
when finally, as Holinshed puts it, "all went to 
smoke that had been talked of ". 

By January, 1355, it was understood that hostili- 
ties were to recommence as soon as possible, and 
great preparations were made for a fresh expedi- 
tion. The Black Prince was this time appointed 
his father's Lieutenant in Aquitaine, with full 
power to take homage, make treaties, buy horses, 
and transact all necessary business : and England 
was mightily busy all that spring. In January 
orders were given that no horses were to be ex- 
ported from the country ; in March that all ships 







were to be gathered together at Southampton and 
Plymouth and placed at the King's disposal ; in 
June the Archbishops were commanded to pray 
for the success of the national arms. And in the 
midst of all the hurly-burly, Philippa's youngest 
child Thomas was born at Woodstock on January 7. 
In spite of all his great preparations, Edward 
found time in March to hold " a great jousting at 
Woodstock, for honour of the Queen who was then 
purified of her son Thomas ". Shortly afterwards 
Prince Lionel, now seventeen, was knighted, and 
the Duke of Lancaster created Chief Admiral of 
the English Navy. In the end of June the Black 
Prince and his army left London for Plymouth, and 
sailed in September for Bordeaux. Edward himself 
and his sons Lionel and John, with the Duke of 
Lancaster, reached Calais on November 2, leaving 
Philippa and little Edmund of Langley in charge 
of the realm ; but they were not alone for long. 
King John hurried to Calais to meet his foe, who 
had started the campaign in his usual fashion by 
ravaging the neighbouring country, when he sud- 
denly received news that the Scots had once more 
risen against him, and that Berwick was attacked. 
In his old fury he swore that "he would never 
sleep in any town more than one night till he 
reached Scotland," and leaving the whole French 
campaign in the hands of his eldest son, he hurried 
back, kept his word, held his Christmas that year 
in Newcastle, and relieved Berwick in the first week 
of January. 




DAVID of Scotland was still at this time a prisoner 
at the Tower, but not for want of negotiations for 
his release. In September, 1351, he had been per- 
mitted to return to Scotland for a short time, but, 
unable to arrange the necessary terms, was obliged 
to yield himself prisoner again the following March. 
Again in July, 1353, he went to Newcastle while 
his devoted wife stood hostage for him in London, 
but yet again he had to return. A year later, how- 
ever, in July, 1354, it really seemed as if satisfactory 
terms might be agreed upon, and Edward promised 
to release him on payment of 90,000 marks in yearly 
instalments, which agreement was confirmed in 
October : but before the necessary conditions were 
complied with, John of France, fearful before all 
things of an alliance between England and his own 
ancient allies, bribed the Scots to refuse payment, 
and the wretched David saw his hopes fade and 
himself sent back to captivity. 

About this time, Baliol, whom Edward in stately 
parlance termed " Our dear cousin Edward, King 
of Scotland," weary of his barren honours, termin- 
ated his inglorious career as a puppet King by 
surrendering all his rights to his protector the 



King of England, solemnly handing him the royal 
crown and a handful of Scottish earth and stones, 
and receiving in return promise of a pension of 
2,000 a year, to be paid him quarterly. This 
ceremony took place at Roxburgh on January 17, 
Berwick having been relieved four days earlier ; 
and after it Baliol retired as a private gentleman 
to his estate at Hatfield, Yorkshire, and his name 
troubles history no more. A pardon is recorded 
to him once for poaching on the royal estates, and 
seven years later he died almost forgotten at Don- 
caster. Edward meanwhile, having received the 
crown, announced his intention of governing Scot- 
land himself ; and marched farther north into the 
country. The Scots laid all waste before him, so 
that his men and horses could obtain scarcely any 
food ; but in spite of this devastation, known as the 
" Burnt Candlemas," he pushed on to Edinburgh 
in order to meet his fleet with provisions at Leith. 
In consequence of a terrible storm, however, the 
ships were all destroyed, and he was obliged to 
retreat by land : a bad business, in which he was 
constantly harassed by the wild and unexpected 
attacks of the hill-men, and on one occasion at 
least was all but taken prisoner. One can picture 
the relief of Philippa when he reached London 
safely in March with his two young sons. 

Not only the King and Queen but all the people 
of England were burningly interested throughout 
this winter in the campaign of the Black Prince. 
Gascony had welcomed him uproariously, promis- 
ing to help him " make a good war " ; but he soon 
found their ideas on this subject were mainly con- 
cerned with booty and plunder. He himself, young, 



brave, adventurous, and rather merciless to human 
suffering, was nothing loath to sweep ruthlessly 
through the more agricultural and less defended 
provinces of France, taking but seldom holding 
towns and castles with " great persecution of men, 
women and children, which was a pity," says 
Froissart. " For you must know this was before 
one of the fat countries of the world, the people 
good and simple, who did not know what war was, 
and no war had been waged against them till the 
Prince of Wales came. The English and Gascons 
found the country full and gay, the rooms furnished 
with carpets and draperies, the caskets and chests 
full of beautiful jewels. But nothing was safe from 
these robbers. They, especially the Gascons, who 
are very greedy, carried off everything ; " and the 
Prince's own men became soon enough equally 
demoralized. In seven weeks 500 towns and vil- 
lages were harried and despoiled ; but the expe- 
dition was planned with little skill, and at the end 
of it nothing remained but individual plunder and 
the still deeper hatred of the French. The Prince 
himself returned to Bordeaux, which was at all 
times his headquarters ; and on this journey it was 
said the horses of the English knights could scarcely 
move, so heavily were they loaded with spoil. 

France was indeed in a sad state, torn by foes, 
taxed by her own rulers, and with a shifty treacher- 
ous King whom none could reverence. His treat- 
ment of the Comte d'Eu has already been recorded, 
and a very similar case now requires mention. 
Early in 1355, while Edward of England was still 
preparing for his expedition, John quarrelled with 
the King of Navarre, perhaps the least sincere and 



most deceitful of all the French Princes of this 
period, who promptly offered Edward his friendship 
instead. Edward accepted it, but not reaching 
France as soon as expected, Navarre made up his 
quarrel with John, and ostensibly became his ally 
again ; John appearing to treat him with his old 
intimacy and confidence for some months, though 
apparently all the time bearing a deadly grudge 
against him. At last in April, 1356, John and his 
son the Dauphin Charles being at Rouen, the 
Dauphin invited Navarre and his cousin the Comte 
de Harcourt to dine with him at a great banquet. 
No sooner were they seated at table than the King 
and his guards entered, and all doors were closed. 
Pointing to the guests, John exclaimed with passion, 
" By the beard of my father, I will neither eat nor 
drink as long as you live ! " and they were imme- 
diately seized by the guards and dragged away to 
prison, Harcourt and several of the nobles being 
instantly executed. The brothers of the two chief 
victims, with twenty other lords, sent their defiance 
to " John, calling himself the King of France," and 
started for England, informing Edward that they 
would immediately join his cause. Edward received 
them graciously at Sheen, and wrote hastily to 
Lancaster, who had just started for Brittany with 
young de Montfort, instructing him to proceed first 
to Normandy, where he should meet and take the 
homage of these nobles ; which was accordingly 
done on July 18. 

The King and Queen remained quietly in Eng- 
land all this year, mostly at Windsor, where 
Edward was much occupied with his new protege, 
the afterwards celebrated William of Wykeham. 



This William, though a poor boy, had been well 
educated by Sir John Scures, who later made him 
his secretary, and through a mutual friend intro- 
duced him to the King's notice. His genius for 
architecture soon became manifest : he had a share 
in the erection of the Round Tower ; and this year, 
1356, was made clerk of the royal works at Henley 
and Easthampstead, and one of the surveyors of 
the works at Windsor. His duties seem to have 
been manifold : he was made chaplain to the King, 
and was all his life much trusted by Queen Philippa, 
by whose influence it chiefly was that he rose later 
in life to be Bishop of Winchester and Chancellor 
of England. At this time he was a little over 
thirty. He did not, however, neglect small things, 
and to his share fell the superintendence of the 
royal dogs and horses : in August of this year re- 
cord is made of " Money paid by William of Wyke- 
ham for keep of the King's eight dogs at Windsor 
for nine weeks, each dog f d. a day, and for wages 
of a boy to keep the said dogs during the same 
time, 2d. a day ". Edward was very fond of dogs ; 
one Edmund de Kerdiff held a manor in Worcester- 
shire of him by payment of yearly rendering a dog 
called a "rach". On one occasion this payment 
was nine years in arrear ; but Edmund was 
pardoned on condition that he sent two dogs at 
once and never failed again. 

Into this more peaceful existence fell suddenly 
startling and glorious news from France. The 
Prince had left Bordeaux early in July on another 
marauding expedition, taking with him 2000 men- 
at-arms and 6000 archers, and this time bending 
his steps towards the north. For a few months he 



pursued his former rather unwarlike tactics without 
meeting much resistance ; but suddenly, while at 
Vierzon, he learned that King John lay close by at 
Chartres with an army six times the size of his own. 
It would be folly to risk a battle under such condi- 
tions, and having first killed the greater part of the 
garrison of the castle, he beat a hurried retreat ; 
yet lingered three days at Romorantin, which he 
took, and then pushed on towards Poitiers. He 
had supposed the French to be behind him, but 
during this delay they got ahead, and it was now 
no longer possible to avoid a fight. It was reported 
to him that the fields were covered with men, and 
that the King of France had over 6000 horse. The 
Prince encamped six miles from Poitiers, and on 
Sunday, September 18, the battle was set. 

Now at last King John believed that he held the 
power of England in his hand, and the day was 
opened with fitting pomp. His tent was " of ver- 
milion samite, very elegant and very rich " ; the 
Oriflamme of France hung over the Council table ; 
twenty knights were dressed and armed exactly to 
resemble the King in order to limit the likelihood 
of his being taken prisoner ; and he and his four 
sons devoutly began the day by attending Mass. 
The Black Prince seems to have shared the general 
feeling that his defeat was probable if not certain ; 
but nevertheless he posted his men well, and deter- 
mined to fight himself on foot. At the last moment 
the Cardinal de Perigord begged permission from 
the King of France to attempt the making of terms 
with the enemy, and hurried to and fro in his well- 
meant endeavours during the whole of that day ; a 
circumstance which the English regarded as some- 



thing of a hardship, for no food had been served out 
to them, the fight seeming so imminent, and now it 
seemed as if there was to be no fight at all. It has 
been usual to represent the Prince as furiously im- 
patient with the Cardinal for delaying the battle, 
but on the contrary it seems that in the beginning 
at least he welcomed intervention, feeling his own 
position exceedingly precarious, and hoping at all 
costs to avoid a direct conflict. The terms he on 
his own part offered will serve to show his anxiety, 
since he voluntarily undertook to give up all the 
towns and castles he had taken, set all his prisoners 
free, and not to fight against France for seven years ; 
an offer John would have done well to accept, for 
he never had a better in his life. So, as a matter 
of fact, he thought himself ; but the fiery Bishop 
of Chalons persuaded him that the English would 
never have proposed such terms stood they not in 
a parlous state, and that therefore no mercy should 
be shown them. Requirement was consequently 
made that the Prince and a hundred of his best 
knights should surrender themselves unconditional 
prisoners ; a demand which woke such rage in the 
young commander's breast that he withdrew all his 
former offers, and made ready for battle on the 

On Monday, September 19, 1356, then, the battle 
of Poitiers was fought. The plain itself was 
small, and surrounded by narrow lanes with high 
hedges, behind which the English archers lay. 
John divided his army into three portions, each 
one of which was larger than the entire English 
force ; but he allowed only 300 of his chosen 
knights to ride on horseback, commanding the 



rest to dismount, which so annoyed and insulted 
them that many refused to fight at all, and spent 
the day squabbling and disputing among themselves. 
The 300, however, made a dash for the English posi- 
tion ; but got first entangled in the trees and vine- 
yards, which threw them into hopeless confusion, 
on the top of which the English bowmen began 
their deadly work, and the French cavalry were 
beaten back upon the rear ; where the horses be- 
came unmanageable, nobody could see what had 
happened, and panic set v in. Promptly the English 
horse charged down, and the Dauphin and his 
brothers, in charge of the first division, jumping to 
the conclusion that the day was lost, fled hastily 
from the field. The second division followed them, 
without having even come in sight of the enemy ; 
but in their excuse must be remembered the almost 
superstitious awe with which the luck of the English 
was at this time regarded, and the practically 
charmed lives they were supposed to bear. Never 
yet had their numbers equalled those of their foes, 
but nevertheless they always conquered, and it 
seemed impossible for any force to stand against 
them. John's own division, however, still remained 
in the field, and he himself fought so stoutly that 
"if one quarter of his men had done so well the 
day would have been theirs". With him was his 
youngest and favourite son, little Prince Philip, who, 
axe in hand, hung at his heels and shouted direc- 
tions : " Father, look to the right ! Father, look to 
left ! " In spite of his courage and his precautions, 
however, the twenty disguised knights did not save 
him ; and by midday, wounded in several places, 
the King saw himself deserted by all of his troops 

241 16 


that were not already prisoners, and was fain to 
yield himself captive to a knight of Artois ; by 
whom he was conducted, still accompanied by little 
Philip, to the tent of the Black Prince. 

The Prince had fought all that morning " like a 
fell and cruel lion " ; but, like his father, he could 
be generous to a fallen foe, and he received John 
with the most chivalrous courtesy. The same even- 
ing he entertained him at a great banquet, where 
he waited upon the King himself, refusing to sit 
at table beside him, and trying to cheer his despon- 
dency with the words, " Although, noble sir, it was 
not God's will that you should win the day, yet you 
singly have won the prize of valour, since it was ap- 
parent to every Englishman that none bore himself 
so bravely as you". The next morning the tri- 
umphal train set out for Bordeaux, marching only 
a few leagues a day, and keeping a sharp look- 
out for fear of rescue parties ; but no attacks 
were made ; and John and his son were lodged 
safely in the Abbey of St. Andrew, where they re- 
mained imprisoned during the winter. Eleven 
thousand French were killed in this battle, and 
such an enormous number of prisoners taken that 
it was not possible to be charged with them all 
the English had in fact more prisoners than army ; 
and most were allowed free on parole to name and 
find their own ransoms : a notable instance of the 
rather curious sense of honour of the day. A man 
who would think nothing of decoying a foe into his 
own house and murdering him, would apparently 
have considered his honour for ever tarnished if he 
had failed to send the ransom which he himself 
had probably fixed at an extravagantly high figure 



in order to demonstrate his own importance. All 
really distinguished prisoners the Prince bought 
from their captors, giving Denis de Morbec, the 
knight of Artois, 2000 nobles for the French 

The first intimation Edward and Philippa re- 
ceived of this great victory is said to have been 
when the Black Prince sent the King of France's 
coroneted helmet to his father; and the joy and 
triumph in England when all became known can 
better be imagined than described. Edward 
ordered thanksgivings in all churches for eight 
days, and there were besides bonfires, feasts, and 
banquets everywhere ; while, needless to add, the 
rejoicings in Bordeaux fell in no way short of those 
in England. The Prince's naturally extravagant 
tastes were allowed full play, and he entertained 
throughout the winter in so lavish a manner that 
he fell more heavily into debt than ever ; but this 
does not seem to have troubled him very materi- 
ally. Early in the spring he made preparations 
for carrying his illustrious captive back to Eng- 
land ; and the French fleet assembled at the 
mouths of the Seine and the Somme, resolved at 
all costs to prevent him ; but by the advice of the 
Pope's legate, he made truce with France for two 
years, put John on one ship and himself on another, 
and got safely away from the French coast in the 
end of April. After an eleven days' voyage, they 
landed at Sandwich on May 4, and rode straight 
for London, stopping at Canterbury, Rochester, 
and Dartford by the way. 

Edward was so impatient to behold his son and 
his royal prisoner, that, not content to wait for the 


formal entry into London, he contrived to be hunt- 
ing near Canterbury when the party was on the 
road ; and suddenly broke out of a thicket upon 
them, abruptly inviting King John to join his sport. 
John, somewhat taken aback, replied rather reason- 
ably that this was not a fitting time ; to which 
Edward answered that he was perfectly at liberty 
to enjoy the chase or the river whenever he liked 
whilst in England, and so rode off. The triumphal 
procession through London, however, must have 
been a truly magnificent spectacle : the streets 
were thronged with enormous crowds ; every house 
hung out tapestry, banners, armour, plate, and any- 
thing of value the owners possessed ; the fountains 
ran with red and white wine ; barrels of beer were 
broached free ; at twelve conspicuous places on the 
route lovely girls had been hung in gold cages over 
the street to scatter gold and silver filigree flowers 
upon the King and Prince ; at one time the young 
conqueror was delayed an hour to listen to a con- 
gratulatory address, and though we read that the 
procession was on London Bridge at three in the 
morning, mid-day had passed before it reached 
Westminster. England had known many victories 
of late, and many a distinguished captive had been 
brought in triumph to London, but never so great 
a one as this ; and as if to emphasize his import- 
ance, the French King rode through the streets on 
his great white charger, while the young Prince his 
conqueror was mounted merely upon a small black 
palfrey. It must have been a hateful day for John, 
and the honour thus accorded him must have 
seemed a bitter mockery ; but it was all in keeping 
with the curious chivalrous ideals of the age, and 



seems to have been genuinely meant in honest 

In Westminster Hall Edward sat on his throne, 
with Philippa by his side, and his younger children 
all about him, to receive this gallant son of his, and 
the rival he had fought so long. Both King and 
Queen did all in their power to welcome the prisoner, 
and let him feel his captivity as little irksome as 
possible ; but Edward's tact seems at times to have 
been a little wanting. At a great banquet given in 
John's honour that very evening, he sat so silent 
and gloomy that the English King clapped him on 
the back and bade him " sing and be merry " ; to 
which John replied in the words of the Israelites, 
" How shall we sing the songs of the Lord in a 
strange land ? " At this same feast little Prince 
Philip broke out in rage at seeing Edward's cup- 
bearer serve him before the French King ; and 
springing from his seat, he boxed the man's ears, 
crying out that " Although his father was unfortu- 
nate, he was at least the sovereign of the King of 
England." Edward treated the incident laughingly, 
exclaiming, " Vous etes Philippe le Hardi / " a name 
that stuck to the child through life ; and when later 
on the Black Prince courteously played a game 
of chess with him, and Philip quarrelled over a 
move, the matter was decided in the French boy's 

John was given the Savoy Palace, the property of 
the Duke of Lancaster, as a dwelling-place, and was 
always welcomed at Windsor for jousts, hunting, 
hawking, or any relaxation he chose. He was at 
this time about forty, tall and good-looking. Ac- 
counts of his character vary considerably: some 



saying that he was a mere man of pleasure and 
cared nothing for the troubles of his distracted 
country whilst he could hunt, play tennis, and amuse 
himself with certain fair ladies in England ; but his 
sadness on the occasion above mentioned scarcely 
bears this out ; nor is it easy to reconcile his known 
treachery of conduct in such cases as that of the 
Comte d'Eu and Charles of Navarre with the chiv- 
alrous incidents later related of him in English his- 
tory. Perhaps, however, his sojourn at the Court 
of Edward and Philippa had improved his manners 
if not his morals. 

Having now obtained possession of his arch- 
enemy, Edward could afford to let lesser game go. 
Charles of Blois was released in August, 1356, and 
David of Scotland in October, 1357. The first 
hurried straight to Brittany to fight the Duke of 
Lancaster ; the latter, who was then staying at 
Odiham Castle in Hampshire, parted on good terms 
with his royal jailer, undertook to pay him 100,000 
marks ransom in yearly instalments of 10,000, and 
joined his devoted wife in Scotland after eleven 
years' absence. Joan's happiness, however, was of 
short-lived duration. David had always been of 
too coarse a fibre truly to appreciate her delicate 
fidelity ; and whilst in England had taken for his 
mistress a bold, low-class woman named Kate Mor- 
timer, who now followed him to his own country. 
He received her with boisterous welcome, set up 
an establishment for her in his own castle ; and 
Queen Joan immediately left for England to claim 
her brother's protection. Edward settled 200 a 
year upon her, gave her the old Saxon castle of 
Hertford as a dwelling-place, and announced that 



she was " taken into the special defence and pro- 
tection of the King while she stays in England " ; 
but, gentle always, she would not actually quarrel 
with her husband, and when he later visited Eng- 
land for a short time, leaving Kate behind, she 
joined him in London ; but absolutely refused to 
return with him to Scotland. Joan lived very 
quietly at Hertford, and seldom left the castle for 
the remaining five years of her life ; but Philippa 
visited her there often, became much attached to 
the younger and less fortunate woman, nursed her 
in her last illness, and lent her money when her 
finances were at a low ebb. Edward and David 
remained politically on good terms, and a ten years' 
truce was made between them ; while Scottish 
trade was encouraged in England, and young 
Scotsmen were made welcome at the English uni- 

Another domestic disaster this year brought an- 
other young royal wife sadly back to the English 
Court and the pitying kindness of the English 
Queen. Young William, Earl of Hainault, always 
weak-minded and somewhat erratic, became sud- 
denly raving mad, and it was found necessary to 
place him under restraint, while his brother Albert 
took the reins of government. William had ever 
been particularly attached to his English aunt, and 
Philippa grieved greatly over his sad fate; the more 
as Albert was a hard, grasping young man, and she 
foresaw further trouble concerning her inheritance. 
Maud of Lancaster, William's wife, had no children ; 
and being thus sadly parted from her husband and 
on anything but good terms with her brother-in- 
law, returned to England, and was sympathetically 



received as now doubly a relation by the English 
King and Queen. William himself lived for thirty 
years confined in the castle of Quesnoi, and then 
died without ever having regained his mental 











FOR a whole year after the return of the Black 
Prince, there were great festivities in England ; and 
it was probably at this time that the famous picture 
of Edward and Philippa with all their children, 
grouped on either side of their patron saint St. 
George, was painted for St. Stephen's Chapel at 
Westminster. The picture is extraordinarily in- 
teresting, since though many of the faces were un- 
fortunately obliterated before the tracings were 
taken, it is evident they were all intended as careful 
portraits, and in spite of the curious stiff art of the 
age, it is easy to see what a remarkably handsome 
family this royal group must have made. Little 
wonder that the English people were so proud of 
them. The original picture was hidden behind 
pannelling for many centuries, but was discovered in 
1800, and unfortunately entirely destroyed when 
both Houses of Parliament were burnt down in 
1834. Careful drawings had been made of it how- 
ever for the Society of Antiquaries ; and an excellent 
copy may be seen in the National Portrait Gallery, 

The Feast of St. George was celebrated with ex- 
ceptional splendour at Windsor on April 23, 1358 ; 
and an especial grant of 500 is recorded to Philippa 



for clothes for the occasion. The Prince of Wales 
had found another early friend ready with the in- 
cense of admiration for his victorious return ; fair 
Joan Holland, now Countess of Kent in her own 
right, still remained at Court with her husband ; 
and it was perhaps in consequence of too obvious a 
renewal of their former intimacy that the King 
found it wise to bestow a post in Normandy on Sir 
Thomas, and ship him and his lady off there soon 
after the Windsor jousts this year. Joan was 
thirty-three now, the mother of four children, grow- 
ing stout and losing something of her radiant 
beauty, but still apparently exercising the old charm 
over her princely cousin. He, the hero of all 
Europe, handsome, brave, triumphant, and heir to 
a great kingdom, might have wedded any woman, 
Princess or commoner, as he chose ; but greatly to 
the distress of his parents, he refused (to discuss 
any such matter, followed the example of his sister 
Isabella, and remained obstinately single. Indeed, 
with the exception of Lionel, wedded in infancy, 
not one of Philippa's children had yet attained to 
matrimony ; but Lionel and Elizabeth, Countess of 
Ulster, seem about this time to have gone through 
some further form of marriage, and set up their 
own household together as husband and wife. The 
exact date of their doing so is not certain ; in July, 
1359, fees were paid to the Clerk of Philippa's 
Chapel for solemnizing three weddings, of which 
the " daughter of the Earl of Ulster's " is one, but 
this does not necessarily imply that all three had 
only just taken place. Indeed, record is made of 
John of Gaunt staying with his brother and sister- 
in-law at their house at Hatfield for Christmas 1357, 



which certainly gives an earlier date for the cere- 
mony. Elizabeth seems to have been a very charm- 
ing Irish girl, and to have attached all her royal 
relatives very sincerely to her ; Edward and Philippa 
were both very devoted to her. She was unfor- 
tunately never strong ; and as early as December, 
1356, the King paid 13. 6s. 8d. to " Master Pascal, 
physician, for a cure performed on Elizabeth, Coun- 
tess of Ulster ". 

Interesting in the light of his after fame is one 
humble member of the Ulster household, a certain 
page of seventeen, on whose behalf in Elizabeth's 
Account Book is entered for April, 1357, " 7/- for 
an entire suit of clothes, consisting of a paltock 
(cloak) and a pair of red and black breeches, with 
shoes, provided for Geoffrey Chaucer " ; and again 
in May of the same year an article of dress 
" purchased for Geoffrey Chaucer in London " ; and 
in December a gift of 3s. 6d. " for necessaries " to 
Geoffrey Chaucer. This Geoffrey was the son of 
John Chaucer, who had been in attendance on 
Edward and Philippa when they were living in 
Flanders at the time of Lionel's birth, and who no 
doubt easily obtained a post for his son in the house- 
hold of the young Prince, but a few years older 
than Geoffrey himself. Geoffrey was always a 
reader and a dreamer, and when his time came a 
few years later to follow his Prince to war, his 
career as a soldier was not a particularly brilliant 
one : in fact he promptly got taken prisoner, and 
the King had to pay 16 towards his ransom. He 
does not seem to have cared to follow the fortune 
of war farther, but took to his pen instead ; being 
much favoured in his position about Lionel, for he 



thus came in contact with all the greatest wits and 
intellects of his age ; and in particular attracted 
the interest and attention of John of Gaunt and 
Princess Margaret. John was a clever man and a 
deep thinker always, the greatest contrast to his 
brother Lionel, a big, fair, kindly fool, handsome 
and good-natured, but a baby all his life ; and 
Geoffrey soon transferred himself to John's house- 
hold as soon as that Prince set one up. 

Margaret, if she had lived longer, would perhaps 
have been the cleverest, most ardent and most un- 
conventional of all Philippa's children. Only twelve 
years old now, she loved romance and literature, 
wrote poems herself, and took the deepest interest 
in young Chaucer and his powers. After the Blois 
plan had fallen through, her father had thought 
of betrothing her to the son of Duke Albert of 
Austria ; but her own heart was set upon John 
Hastings, the young Earl of Pembroke, who had 
been brought up with the royal children, and was the 
especial friend of her favourite brother Edmund of 
Langley. She and her sister Mary lived very simple 
lives, in the greatest contrast to their elder sister 
Isabella, who was loaded with jewels and estates, 
while they had but twenty marks a year each for 
pocket money. Mary was not yet married to her 
young Duke of Brittany, and it was understood 
that he must make some personal effort to gain 
possession of his hitherto nominal Duchy before be 
could claim her troth ; but Edward himself had 
rather lost interest in the matter, and though Lan- 
caster helped him, the boy Duke was not yet able 
to accomplish much. In May, 1357, he had made 
his maiden effort at subduing Rennes, but was 



scarcely strong enough to reduce the city, and the 
affair ended in a four years' truce : after which he 
returned to enforced idleness in England, and very 
unwisely spent his time in making love to his 
mother's pretty maid-of-honour, Mademoiselle de 
Ponteallen. The stern old Countess did not intend 
to risk the favour of the King of England by any 
slights upon his daughter, and the French girl was 
promptly clapped into a convent ; while her true 
lover, Sir Taneguy de Chatel, hastened in despair 
and rage to join the banners of France. Mary 
seems to have been a gentle, delicate girl, rather 
lethargic of nature, and chiefly devoted to her 
pretty, lively cousin, Blanche of Lancaster, whom 
rumour already assigned as a bride to Prince 
John, the young Earl of Richmond. 

Philippa, as was perhaps natural, lived chiefly 
now in the lives of her children. After the April 
festivities at Windsor, she spent the principal part 
of this summer with her young daughters in the 
country, at Marlborough and Cosham, where they 
rode and hunted much, and where, on one occasion, 
she had the misfortune to fall from her horse and 
dislocate her shoulder. In August the English 
Court was thrown into mourning by the death of 
that strange and sinister woman, the Queen-Dow- 
ager Isabella. Isabella was as great an enigma 
in her death as in her life. For twenty-eight years 
she had passed a silent and subdued existence at 
various country houses, seldom but occasionally 
visiting her son's Court, taking a grandmotherly 
interest in his children, and never interfering in 
public affairs : it seemed as if the turmoil of her 
early years must be quite forgotten. Yet when 



she died, her will commanded that she be buried 
in the Church of the Grey Friars at Newgate, by 
the side of Roger Mortimer her lover, with her 
murdered husband's heart upon her breast. Which 
of them had she really loved? That she com- 
manded the affection if not the respect of her two 
remaining children to the end, is at least certain : 
Joan of Scotland, whom she had cruelly treated, 
corresponded regularly with her mother, and left 
instructions at her own death to be buried near her : 
Edward of England insisted upon a royal interment 
for her ; and though she died in August, it was the 
end of November before her funeral procession 
through London could be organized in a fashion 
stately enough to satisfy him. On the 20th of that 
month, he wrote to the sheriffs of London and 
Middlesex, directing them to lay gravel through the 
streets of Bishopsgate and Aldgate, and to see that 
the City was made clean and sweet in honour of the 
coming of the body of his "very dear mother, 
Queen Isabella " ; and the officers of his exchequer 
were ordered to pay out 9 for these preparations. 
Isabella was buried in the habit of the Grey Friars, 
a splendid tomb of alabaster was erected over her ; 
and so her wild and stormy life closed, if not in 
sanctity, at least in dignity and peace. 

For the rest of the year 1358 little happened in 
England ; but matters went very badly indeed with 
France, which, after the loss of King John, fell al- 
most into a state of anarchy. The Dauphin Charles 
took charge of the kingdom in his father's absence, 
but found no one would obey him, and he had no 
money : he called the States General to his assist- 
ance, and John wrote from England forbidding his 



people to obey the decrees of the States. All the 
nobles swore to wear no furs or jewellery, and to 
permit no minstrelsy or festivities for a year, unless 
the King were rescued : hoping by this means to 
collect money to continue the war, but these de- 
signs were frustrated by the rise of certain "Free 
Companies," which roamed the land in search of 
booty, and attacked and despoiled all sides im- 
partially. Both English and Navarrese disowned 
these Companies, but there was no quelling them. 
Added to all this, the down-trodden peasantry of 
France at last rose in a desperate insurrection 
known as the Jacquerie, the motto of which was 
" Death to all Gentlemen " ; and which, though 
stamped out in time, may be regarded as the true 
precursor of the terrible Revolution of 500 years 
later. Every man's hand was against his neigh- 
bour, and "Indeed," says the French chronicler, 
"it needed not the English to destroy the country, 
for in truth the English, enemies of the kingdom, 
would not have done what her own nobles did ". 
It may be guessed how pleasant was all this news 
to the unfortunate John imprisoned in England, 
and in despair he signed a treaty of peace consent- 
ing to the most unfavourable terms for his own 
country. The Dauphin repudiated the treaty, and 
called the States again in May, 1359 ; and, the 
truce made by the Black Prince expiring in the end 
of June that year, Edward made ready to invade 
France once more. 

First, however, there were domestic matters to 
settle. No child of Edward's, with tact to hit his 
moods, need ever be afraid to ask a boon of him ; 
and Princess Margaret knew her wants very well. 



Young Pembroke was a fine lad and a great 
favourite with the King, who purposed indeed to 
take him to France with this new expedition ; and 
the entreaty of the young lovers that they might be 
united before he went, met with no very serious 
opposition. Margaret made a pretty and very 
young bride ; the wedding was solemnized by 
Thomas of Clyneham, Queen Philippa's own chap- 
lain, in her private chapel, and the King gave his 
daughter a beautiful coronet of gems, pearls, in 
compliment to her name, playing the principal part 
in her ornaments. The young couple were radiantly 
happy ; and this wedding proved but the precursor 
of a still more important one, when, early in June, 
the Lord John of Gaunt, Earl of Richmond, was 
married at Reading to beautiful Blanche of Lancas- 
ter, sister of Maud of Hainault and co-heiress with 
her to all the wealth and possessions of their father 
the Duke of Lancaster. John was nineteen and 
Blanche a few years younger, tall, fair-haired, and 
" the flower of English womanhood," says Chaucer ; 
and the wedding was a very great affair indeed. In 
the Issues Roll for this year is noted, " For jewels 
purchased for the marriage of the Earl of Richmond 
and the Lady Blanche, to wit, for one ring with 
ruby, 20 ; and for belt garnished with rubies, 
emeralds and pearls, 18 ; and for try pod with cup 
of silver-gilt 20 " ; while a month or two later 
comes the further entry, " For divers jewels pur- 
chased for the marriage of the Earl of Richmond 
and Blanche, daughter of the Duke of Lancaster, 
139-7-4 ". These must have been sad and happy 
days together for Philippa ; her children seemed 
growing fast away from her ; and yet these mar- 

To face page 256 



riages opened wider and pleasanter outlooks for 
their future than the lonely and single paths chosen 
by her eldest son and daughter. One can almost 
imagine the disdainful smile with which the Prin- 
cess Isabella, now nearing thirty and still unmarried, 
attended the weddings of her younger brothers and 
sister. To Blanche she gave a handsome pair of 
silver buckles, worth 30, as a wedding present ; 
but two years later her father discovered that she 
had never paid for them, and was besides in debt 
for several other jewels, even having been forced 
to pawn many of her own valuables. For once he 
was exceedingly angry with her, and gave her a 
sharp reprimand ; but nevertheless he saw that the 
bills were paid. 

John and Blanche were married on Sunday in 
Rogation week, by the Pope's dispensation ; and 
immediately there followed three days jousts at 
Reading in their honour, and three days more in 
London. It was announced by trumpet in the 
capital that the Lord Mayor, Sheriffs and Alder- 
men would hold the lists for three days against 
the whole of Europe, and all the Court was invited 
to attend. Queen Philippa and her daughters and 
ladies appeared, and the crowds each day were 
enormous ; but much disappointment was caused 
by the absence of the King and Princes, who, how- 
ever, it was understood must be much occupied in 
preparing for the French campaign. The tourna- 
ment was an immense success, the civic arms carry- 
ing all before them ; and at the close of the last 
day, when the gallant defenders must remove their 
helmets, the most unbounded enthusiasm was 
roused by the discovery that Edward himself, his 

257 17 


four sons, and nineteen chosen knights, had taken 
it upon them to represent the City of London, and 
bearing her arms, to uphold her glory before all the 
world. It is doubtful if Edward ever did a more 
popular action than this, and no sooner was it over 
than preparations for war began in serious earnest. 
The Dauphin having finally rejected the terms 
to which his father had consented, King John was 
imprisoned in Somerton Castle, all Englishmen be- 
tween the ages of 16 and 60 were commanded to 
be in readiness to join the King, and all manner of 
stores were hastily gathered together for the cam- 
paign. Eight thousand four-horse carriages must 
go, thirty falconers, sixty couple of strong hunting 
dogs and greyhounds, fishing boats, ovens, mills, 
and many other articles which read very strangely 
as part of an invading army ; but it is evident the 
face of unhappy France was by this time so pil- 
laged that it was not safe to trust to any provision- 
ing on the spot. The Duke of Lancaster sailed 
first ; and Edward with his four elder sons, Edward, 
Lionel, John and Edmund, left Sandwich on 25 
October, 1359. Some historians assert that the 
Queen accompanied her husband, but this is not 
correct. Philippa's travelling days were over, and 
she stayed behind to govern the country in the 
name of her little son Thomas, aged four, who as 
usual was formally entitled Guardian of the Realm. 
Mary remained with her too, and the young Coun- 
tess of Pembroke returned to her mother on being 
thus early parted from her bridegroom. Philippa's 
position on this occasion was no sinecure, for the 
French made several attempts at a counter inva- 
sion during the winter, and so few men were left 



in England to guard her shores that without careful 
watching the enemy might very easily have suc- 
ceeded. Beacon fires were laid ready along the 
coast ; and in spite of all precautions a party of 
French did actually land at Winchelsea on 15 
March, 1360, when all the inhabitants of the town 
were at Mass ; and, having got a footing in the 
place, managed to effect " horrible atrocities " be- 
fore they were driven back to sea with great loss. 
This caused a commotion in the country, and orders 
came from the Lord Thomas to "get all ships 
ready, garrison the Castles of Pevensey, Old Sarum, 
and Marlborough, and remove King John to the 
Tower". The raid, however, was not followed up, 
and no further attacks were made. 

Meanwhile, in France Edward found himself op- 
posed by heavenly rather than by earthly enemies. 
His huge army, swelled every day by bands of 
freebooters, who joined him on the understanding 
that they were to receive no pay, but might pick 
up any loot they chose, moved slowly across the 
barren and deserted country, meeting no opposi- 
tion, covering but three leagues a day, and en- 
countering scarcely a single human being. The 
Dauphin was shut up in Paris, and all his people 
remained inside their various towns, making no 
sign of life. The war train of the English army 
must have been a magnificent sight to watch, for 
it marched amidst a forest of banners, with flash- 
ing shields and armour, resembling more a gay 
procession of knights than an invading force ; but 
the soldiers soon became discontented enough, since 
the country was picked so bare that there was no 
plunder to be had ; and every day without ceasing 



fell torrents of rain, drenching themselves, their 
horses, their tents, their food, and allowing never 
a dry hour in which to recover from its effects. 
In November they reached Rheims, and before 
this city Edward encamped till January, 1360, when 
he proceeded to Paris, and called upon the Dauphin 
to come forth and meet him. Charles made no 
sign, and in disgust Edward turned early in April 
towards Brittany, where at least he would get his 
fill of fighting, leaving a threatening message that 
he should return in the autumn. No sooner had he 
gone, however, than the Dauphin became alarmed, 
and sent a herald after him to Chartres, offering 
terms of peace, but Edward was now too angry 
to listen to anything save an unconditional ac- 
knowledgment of himself as King of France ; and 
in spite of the wise remonstrances of Lancaster, he 
dismissed the messenger in a rage. 

Then, according to contemporary chronicles, did 
heaven let fall her vengeance upon him for his 
presumption and his pride. On April 14, Easter 
Monday, and long known in history as "Black 
Monday," " which daye," says Holinshed, " was full 
darke of miste and haile, and so bitter cold that 
many men dyed on their horsebackes with the 
cold " ; there fell a terrible thunderstorm upon the 
English army some two leagues from Chartres ; a 
storm in which 1000 of Edward's bravest knights 
and 6000 of his finest horses were struck down 
by lightning, and the horrors of which no words 
can fully paint. The number of fatalities seems 
almost incredible, but all historians unite in ascrib- 
ing an absolutely supernatural appearance to the 
storm, and assuring us that nothing like it had 



ever been known in the world before. Barnes 
says the hailstones were of prodigious size : " it 
seemed as if the whole f abrick of Nature was falling 
to pieces ". It must undoubtedly have been very 
severe and very alarming, for Edward, a man not 
easily intimidated, actually sprang from his horse 
in the middle of it, fell upon his knees on the ground, 
and stretching his hands towards the distant towers 
of Notre Dame de Chartres, swore if it might only 
cease, that he would make reasonable terms of peace 
with France. The storm passed, and the King of 
England kept his word. On May 8, a Peace be- 
tween the two countries was signed at Bretigny, by 
the terms of which Edward undertook to renounce 
all claims upon the Kingship of France, and to re- 
ceive instead the full sovereignty of the Duchy of 
Aquitaine, including Guienne, Ponthieu, and the 
territory about Calais, the lords of which were to 
transfer their allegiance to him ; to release King 
John on payment of three million golden crowns ; 
and to consider neither himself nor John the sove- 
reign of either Brittany or Flanders. The rival 
claims of de Montfort and Blois were to be discussed 
at a separate meeting at Calais ; and this settled, 
the English army joyfully embarked for home once 
more. The terms of the treaty were certainly far 
more advantageous to them than to France ; but 
this was perhaps only just, since Edward was really 
in a position to dictate any settlement he chose. 

Edward landed at Eye on May 18, and im- 
mediately took horse for Westminster, which he 
reached at nine o'clock in the morning; was 
warmly welcomed by Philippa, and sent for King 
John secretly to his Chapel to tell him the good 



news himself. Thanksgivings for peace were offered 
at St Paul's, and it was agreed that until John's 
ransom could be collected, his brother and sons, 
the Dukes of Orleans, Anjou and Berri, and the 
Duke of Bourbon, should be received as hostages 
in his stead. Early in July, the Black Prince and 
the Duke of Lancaster conducted the royal captive, 
loaded with gifts, to the English town of Calais, 
where Edward followed a few weeks later, and a 
fortnight of pageants and festivities set in. On 
October 25 the four French Princes, known as the 
" Lords of the Fleur de Lis," having arrived, John 
was pronounced free, and left for Boulogne, which 
he entered on foot as a pilgrim, to offer his thanks- 
givings in the Cathedral. By December he had 
reached Paris, where he was received with magni- 
ficent presents and much joy. Edward himself re- 
turned to England early in November ; and the 
following January held a Parliament at West- 
minster to ratify the Peace. He and his son and 
the French lords then took the Sacrament together, 
and the Archbishop of Canterbury celebrated Mass 
in honour of the Holy Trinity in Westminster 
Abbey, after which " the King and his sons stand- 
ing up in the presence of the French hostages, 
torches being lighted and crosses held over the 
eucharist and missal, they witnessed the ceremony 
of all the English Peers present making their oath 
on the sacred body of our Lord to keep the peace 
and concord sworn that day by the two Kings." 

It seemed now as if war must really be at an 
end, and the King and Queen might know some 
domestic happiness again. The two young royal 
bridegrooms hastened back to their brides ; William 


of Wykeham, that "provident and discreete man," 
according to Stow, having accompanied Edward to 
Calais to see the Peace treaty signed and sealed, 
was set to work upon further alterations at Windsor, 
made chief warden and surveyor of the Castles of 
Dover, Leeds, and Hadleigh, and charged to rebuild 
the castle at Sheppey hitherto called Kyngeborough, 
but henceforth in Philippa's honour to be known 
as Queenborough. The master mason of this 
work was John Gibbon, ancestor of the historian. 
From Hainault this year came too a certain young 
clerk named Jean Froissart, in humble hope of 
being allowed to present to the great and glorious 
Queen of England a manuscript account he had 
written of the battle of Poitiers. His reception 
was even more gracious than he had hoped, and he 
writes of it with warm enthusiasm. " The Queen," 
he exclaims, took his history " sweetly and courte- 
ously"; she is "a very fair lady, sweet-tongued 
and feminine, . . . the most gracious Queen, most 
liberal and most courteous that reigned in all her 
time." Philippa was indeed always glad to en- 
courage learning and enterprise, and the youth of 
her own country held ever a warm place in her 
heart. She appointed young Froissart her clerk or 
secretary, and finding the Poitiers book to be but 
the germ of the universal history of his own times 
it was his ambition to write, she gave orders that 
all information he might require should be supplied 
to him, and kept him about her Court for as long 
as he chose to stay. Five years later, with her 
permission and approval, he left London to travel 
about England, but always as a member of her 
household ; and one must therefore regard his 



famous Chronicle as more or less produced for and 
accepted by her ; and consequently, where he 
clashes in detail with other historians, it is often 
but just to give the benefit of the doubt to him. 
A great part of the history it is true Philippa never 
saw, and another part is merely copied from a 
former writer, Jehan le Bel, Canon of Liege ; but 
even allowing for this, he undoubtedly had better 
opportunities for obtaining authentic information 
than most other chroniclers. He himself says, 
" The good Queen Philippa was in my youth my 
Queen and sovereign. I was five years at the 
court of the King and Queen of England. In my 
youth I was her clerk, serving her with fair ditties 
and treatises of love ; and for the love of the noble 
and worthy lady my mistress, all other great Kings 
and lords loved me and saw me gladly." 

The only matter left unsettled by the peace of 
Bretigny was, it will be remembered, the question 
of succession to the Duchy of Brittany ; and though 
young de Montfort, anxious to have his claim ac- 
knowledged once and for all, hurried to meet 
Charles of Blois at the appointed time for settling 
their disputes, Blois failed to appear, and he was 
obliged to return unsatisfied. Princess Mary, 
meanwhile, was staying at Leicester with her 
favourite cousin and sister-in-law, Blanche, Coun- 
tess of Richmond, whose first child had just been 
born ; but rejoicings over this event were sadly 
checked in March, when the Black Death swept 
over England again in a modified form, carrying off, 
we are told, many men but few women ; and 
amongst its earliest victims was the gallant Henry, 
Duke of Lancaster. Edward never lost a better 


To face page 264 



friend than this kindly and honest cousin, whose 
name is little known in history, but whose strong 
sense and sturdy arm had saved the honour of Eng- 
land in many a perilous moment. Nor was the 
" Good Duke Henry " an unlettered man ; for dur- 
ing an earlier sickness he had written a book of 


devotional reflections, named "Mercy, Grand, 
Mercy " ; which was very highly thought of in its 
time. Philippa had loved him well, and sorely 
wept his loss ; while his daughters Maud of Hain- 
ault and Blanche of Richmond, were heartbroken, 
for to them he had been the best of fathers. He 
was buried at Leicester, and leaving no son, his 
wealth was divided between his daughters. In 
consequence of the plague, the Law Courts were 
adjourned this year from May till October, lest the 
gathering of many should facilitate the spread of 
the disease. 

It was a sorrowful year, and Edward soon re- 
solved to make no further objections to the marriage 
of his daughter Mary and the young Duke of Brit- 
tany. To the great joy of the old Countess de 
Montfort, this wedding took place very quietly at 
Woodstock during the summer, the bridegroom be- 
ing twenty and the bride seventeen. Mary wore a 
robe of " cloth of gold of Lucca, furred and turned up 
with ermine," and seemed quietly happy ; but within 
thirty weeks after her wedding, she fell into a strange 
torpor, from which it seemed impossible to rouse 
her, and she at last died very peacefully without 
ever regaining her full consciousness. She had 
never seen the Dukedom over which from her birth 
she had been accounted Duchess, and it was re- 
marked of her afterwards that her face had always 




worn a sad and melancholy expression. Philippa's 
grief was doubled by the shock, mercifully kept from 
Mary, of the sudden death of her youngest daughter 
Margaret, the brilliant and beautiful young Coun- 
tess of Pembroke, only a few weeks earlier ; and 
thus these two sisters who, with diametrically 
opposite characters, had been so much together in 
life, were in their deaths not long divided. They 
were buried together in the Abbey of Abingdon, 
where their mother raised tombs to their memory, 
long since destroyed in the wild zeal of the Kefor- 
mation. The two unfortunate bridegrooms, both 
favourites with the King, swore both that they 
would never marry again without his consent ; but 
when the time arrived for them to wish to do so, 
Edward's permission was freely given. The Duke 
of Brittany's second wife was a daughter of Sir 
Thomas Holland and Joan of Kent, and his third 
the Princess Joan of Navarre ; while the Earl of 
Pembroke married Anne, only daughter of Sir 
Walter Manny. 

Sir Thomas Holland himself, who had recently 
taken the title of Earl of Kent, had meanwhile 
died in Normandy the preceding December, and 
his widow and children had immediately returned 
to England. Philippa's anxious forebodings con- 
cerning the influence this woman still exercised over 
her eldest son seemed soon enough likely to be 
realized. The Fair Countess was fat and almost 
forty, but the Prince of Wales followed her still 
like a shadow ; and within a very short time of her 
widowhood, with a timidity strange in so valiant a 
warrior, approached her bearing pretended proposals 
from a nameless friend. Joan had lost something 



of her maiden delicacy by now, and perceiving that 
her cousin would never speak out without some 
very plain encouragement, said frankly that if she 
were ever married again it should be to himself 
and no one else. The Prince was overjoyed ; his 
parents, though heartily disliking the match, real- 
ized that he would never wed any woman but Joan, 
and they must therefore make the best of the 
matter, so gave reluctant consent ; and the Pope's 
dispensation was requested. This was doubly ne- 
cess&ry on such an occasion, as not only were the 
parties nearly related by blood, but the Prince had 
also stood godfather to two of Joan's children, a 
position held to imply a spiritual relationship even 
closer. The dispensation was granted at last, but 
the bride and bridegroom had not waited for it, and 
were married very hurriedly at Windsor before it 
arrived. The King refused to be present at this 
ceremony, in which some have seen a confirmation 
of the old tale of his own early infatuation for Joan, 
miscalled the Countess of Salisbury, years ago ; 
but it is much more probable that the whole affair 
angered him, and he felt his son might have allied 
himself far more nobly. Lionel was absent too, but 
Philippa and her younger sons were present, with 
Isabella, her only surviving daughter, Queen Joan 
of Scotland, and the Countess Maud of Hainault. 

For hir beaute all onely he hir tooke, 
And wed hir so, and to Guyan went, 

writes romantic Hardynge. Fair Joan had her 
desire at last, and as Princess of Wales and pre- 
sumably Queen to be, accompanied her lord im- 
mediately to his country house at Berkhampstead ; 



John of Gaunt stepped into the vacant Garter stall, 
and sturdy Thomas Holland seemed quite forgotten. 
Twenty-five years later, however, at the death of 
Joan, long since a widow for the second time, it 
was by the side of her first husband that she elected 
to be buried. 




THE marriage of her eldest son and the death of 
her two younger daughters narrowed yet further 
what had once been the wide circle of Philippa's 
children ; and in September, 1361, she lost too for a 
time the society of her favourite son Lionel. 
Edward's intention in marrying this boy during in- 
fancy to the heiress of the chief part of Ireland had 
frankly been that he should become Governor, and 
later King, if perhaps a subordinate King, of that 
country; and he now held it quite time for the 
young Prince to take up his mission. The Earl 
and Countess of Ulster therefore left England and 
landed in Dublin, where they went into residence 
at the Castle, early this autumn ; and Lionel, the 
most unsuited of men for so difficult a task, gaily 
entered upon the Lord-Lieutenantship of that much 
tried and trying country. It is scarcely necessary 
here to tell of all the foolish laws and tactless 
orders issued by this unfortunate and feather- 
brained young man ; suffice it to say that his first 
command was to the effect that no man born in 
Ireland was to be suffered to approach him ; and 
with this notion of conciliating his hoped-for sub- 
jects, it is with little wonder we find his father the 
following February urging the return of all absentee 



lords to the sister-island, to assist " his very dear 
son and his companions, who are in imminent 
peril ". Lionel did actually weather this storm, and 
clung to his post with much reluctance and discon- 
tent during four years more ; but the Irish hated 
him to the full as heartily as he despised them, and 
the connexion probably did incalculable harm to all 
hope of friendly relations between the countries for 
many years to come. It is difficult to realize any 
son of Edward and Philippa behaving with such 
utter lack of common sense as Lionel, and it can 
only be pointed out that many a careless and good- 
natured soldier without a thought beyond his horse 
or his sword might have done as ill, if not worse, if 
suddenly planted at the head of what was admit- 
tedly the most difficult nation in Europe. Never- 
theless his woeful incompetence must have given 
Philippa many an anxious hour, and she would 
gladly have had him recalled far earlier had not the 
King remained determined that his plans should 
not fail. 

Christmas after this year of many changes was 
somewhat sadly spent at Windsor, and an extra- 
ordinarily high wind, which " bowed the towers of 
the churches," says Stow, ushered in the new year, 
1362 ; in the course of which Edward reached his 
fiftieth birthday, and, this being a great age for the 
period, celebrated his jubilee with much pomp and 
rejoicing. Honours were bestowed upon his chil- 
dren ; the Duchy of Aquitaine was made over to the 
Black Prince on payment of an ounce of gold at 
Westminster every year as homage ; John of Gaunt, 
Earl of Richmond, was granted his dead father-in- 
law's Duchy of Lancaster by right of Blanche his 



wife ; Edmund of Langley became Earl of Cam- 
bridge (the Marquis of Juliers, who had formerly 
borne that title, having died some years earlier) ; 
and Lionel, Earl of Ulster, through his wife's de- 
scent from the Clares of Suffolk, was made Duke 
of Clarence. All t outlaws and prisoners were re- 
leased, even those whose crime had been treason ; 
order was given that henceforward English was to 
be used in all law courts, for that "the French 
tongue is much unknown in England " ; and Edward 
and Philippa made triumphal progresses through the 
kingdom and were everywhere enthusiastically re- 
ceived. They spent a great deal of money on these 
journeys, even it is said 100 a day at times ; they 
hunted merrily in the forests of Sherwood, Clun, 
Kockingham, etc. ; and during the first week of 
May great tournaments were held at Smithfield, at 
which the King and Queen were present, and, says 
Stow, " the most part of the chivalry of England, 
France, Spain and Cyprus " ; the Lords of the Fleur 
de Lis and the other French hostages in particular 
being made honoured guests. The old grievance 
concerning the "purveyance" of food, goods and 
necessities from the common people for the nobles 
was also firmly dealt with, and it was enacted that 
the King, Queen and their children alone had the 
right to do this ; and that any other person of 
however noble birth must pay ready money for 
what he took. 

One hears very little of Philippa individually 
during these later years of her husband's reign. She 
was now forty-nine, only a year younger than Ed- 
ward, and her life had been one of much change 
and movement, though, except for the natural 



sorrows of bereavement, she had not had to en- 
counter any very startling griefs or adverse fortune. 
She was a strong woman, but advancing years told 
upon her, and she took little more active part in 
the history of her times ; since her return from 
France after the surrender of Calais, indeed, she had 
not crossed the seas again. Her dignified figure and 
kind sensible face were seen beside her husband's 
on all state occasions of festival and tourney ; she 
was the mother of five gallant sons ; the patroness 
of literature and learning, the friend of the sad and 
the unfortunate, and the loved and honoured Queen 
of England to her dying day. Rewards to her 
damsels and others for " services to Queen Philippa " 
still constantly occur in the Calendar of Patent 
Rolls, for she never forgot even the humblest 
friend ; but the merry-makings of the Jubilee were 
saddened to her by many deaths among personal 
frisnds and relatives of her own. Queen Joan of 
Scotland died in September at Hertford Castle, 
Philippa being with her to the last, and a loan of 
twenty-one marks from the English Queen was 
found noted among the dead woman's papers ; 
while, not many months afterwards, Maud of 
Hainault, a beautiful and comparatively young 
woman, died in England, some say of poison, but 
there are also confused suggestions that she fell a 
victim to the same plague that had carried oft 7 her 
father. Since she left no children, the entire for- 
tune of Lancaster now devolved upon her sister 
Blanche, through whom John of Gaunt became the 
wealthiest and very shortly the most important of 
all Philippa's children. He had always had more 
brains than any of the rest, except perhaps Thomas 



and Margaret ; and as his father's energies began 
to flag, and the old King grew more and more to 
depend upon this son, whose duties seldom called 
him out of England, and who was always at hand 
to advise and act, John quickly realized his chances 
of power, and firmly grasped the position which 
more or less remained his through this and the 
succeeding reign. 

Neither Joan of Scotland nor Maud of Hainault 
had enjoyed particularly happy lives, and perhaps 
death came not with any great sadness to them ; 
but a more sorrowful case was that of Lionel's 
young wife, the pretty Irish Elizabeth, who died in 
August of this year, leaving an only daughter, 
Philippa, to whom the Queen herself, with the 
Countess of Warwick and the Archbishop of York, 
had stood sponsor. It is not very easy to discover 
whether Lionel had been much attached to his 
wife, but Philippa had loved her dearly, and now 
took entire charge of her daughter, whom she 
brought up with care and real affection. The Duke 
of Clarence, it is true, returned to England for 
a short time the following summer, and again the 
year after, on business connected with his late wife's 
estate, but it was chiefly in the hope of obtain- 
ing the complete possession of it for himself, a 
hope in which, spite of money lent him by his 
father for the purpose, he was considerably dis- 
appointed. But Lionel, one fears, was a lazy, 
careless giant ; handsome, good-natured and selfish ; 
and taking for granted all his life the love and 
kindness showered upon him by mother and wife 

Christmas, 1362, was spent at Windsor; and 

273 18 


immediately after, Edward and Philippa with all 
their Court paid a ceremonious visit of farewell to 
the Prince and Princess of Wales at their country 
house at Berkhampstead, prior to their departure 
for Aquitaine. " I, Jean Froissart, author of these 
chronicles," we read, " was in the service of Queen 
Philippa, when she accompanied King Edward and 
the royal family to Berkhampstead Castle to take 
leave of the Prince and Princess of Wales on their 
departure for Aquitaine. I was at that time twenty- 
four years old, and one of the clerks of the chamber 
to my lady the Queen. During this visit, as I was 
seated on a bench, I heard an ancient knight ex- 
pounding some of the prophecies of Merlin to the 
Queen's ladies. According to him, neither the 
Prince of Wales nor the Duke of Clarence, though 
sons to King Edward, will wear the crown of Eng- 
land, but it will fall to the House of Lancaster." 
Already we see the growing power of John of 
Gaunt casting its shadow upon the future ; and the 
prophecy did, in fact, come perfectly true long after 
the death of Froissart who recorded it. None of 
Edward's own sons ever wore the crown of Eng- 
land, though children of both the Prince of Wales 
and the Duke of Lancaster, and descendants of 
the daughter of Lionel, Duke of Clarence, did so ; 
but the Tudor, Stuart, and ultimately Hanoverian 
dynasties of this country are directly descended 
from the younger branch of John of Gaunt's family. 
The royal visit to Berkhampstead may be regarded 
as one of peace and reconciliation between Joan 
and her husband's family ; and the Queen at least 
must have been glad afterwards that it was paid. 
The young couple left to take up their residence at 


To face page 274 



Bordeaux in the end of February, and Philippa 
never saw her eldest son again. 

During the year 1363, further laws of a sumptu- 
ary or domestic character were passed. It was 
prohibited to any whose income did not exceed 
10 a year to wear " rich ornaments " this scarcely 
seeming necessary but it is followed by much 
talk concerning the " outrageous and excessive ap- 
parel of divers people against their estate and 
degree to the great destruction and impoverishment 
of all the land ". In June the people were com- 
manded to give up " vain games, handball, football, 
stick-play, and dog and cock fights," and instead to 
learn and practise archery, bow and arrow or cross- 
bow shooting, under pain of imprisonment : at 
periodic times throughout history, it seems, the 
English people have always needed some such re- 
minder as this. It had also for long been strictly 
forbidden to export horses or cattle ; but this year 
Philippa obtained permission for Andrew Destrier 
of Bruges, her guitar player, to take over with him 
twenty-five oxen or cows without paying any duty. 
All such little matters, however, paled in the in- 
terest which was now suddenly again aroused in 

Edward had from the beginning been extremely 
generous to his French hostages. King John had 
been permitted to take his favourite son Philip back 
to France with him ; and the four Lords of the 
Fleur de Lis becoming discontented with their life 
in England, he not only allowed them to live at 
Calais, but even to take their dogs and falcons and 
go on long hunting or hawking excursions from 
there, provided only that they were not absent 



from English territory for more than three conse- 
cutive days. About this time the wealthy Duke of 
Burgundy died, and John bestowed the title on his 
youngest son Philip, which news so enraged his elder 
son, the young Duke of Anjou, that he cast honour 
to the winds, took advantage of the privileges al- 
lowed him, rode off hawking one day in September, 
and never returned at all. King John himself had 
been treacherous enough in his youth ; but he was 
now elderly, in poor health, and chastened in spirit ; 
and he was just entertaining the King of Cyprus 
and promising to start a fresh Crusade in his com- 
pany, when Anjou appeared, and horrified his father 
with his tale of broken parole. Upon this the King 
promptly wrote to Edward for a safe-conduct for 
himself and 200 knights and attendants, and started 
for England in December, reaching Dover on 4 
January, 1364. 

Sentimental historians have represented John as, 
heartbroken at his son's dishonour, returning vol- 
untarily to his English prison ; but his care in ob- 
taining an official passport before he started will 
scarcely bear this out. Others suggest that his life 
in England had been so calm and peaceful, Philippa 
so gracious a hostess, and the ladies of the Court 
so kind and lovable, that he found his return to 
the thorny splendours of the Crown of France a 
weariness and a pain, and was glad to grasp at the 
first opportunity of resuming his pleasant quarters 
at the Savoy. Some say that he came merely 
upon a friendly visit to apologize for his son's con- 
duct ; some that he knew his life to be nearing an 
end, and dreamed that if he died in England, the 
conditions to which he had sworn in the Treaty of 



Bretigny might not be regarded as binding upon 
his sons ; or that at the least the further payment 
of his ransom would not be necessary. A rather 
plausible suggestion to account for his coming is 
his wish to persuade Edward to join also in the 
projected Crusade, and the fact that the King of 
Cyprus shortly followed him to England will give 
colour to the idea. But whatever the true motives 
of his action may have been, there is no doubt that 
he had made himself very popular in England and 
was warmly welcomed on his return ; none the 
less that he was credited with the noble sentiment 
that " If honour were lost everywhere else upon 
earth, it ought to be found in the conduct of 
Kings ". Edward sent his own sons and many of 
his bravest knights to receive John at Dover, from 
whence they rode to Canterbury, and offered at 
the shrine of St. Thomas a Becket ; and on the 
next day, a Sunday, proceeded to Eltham ; where 
Edward and Philippa happened to be staying at 
their country palace. "I can never relate," says 
Froissart, "how very honourably the King and 
Queen behaved to King John at Eltham." He 
arrived at ten o'clock in the morning, dined im- 
mediately, and " between that and supper time 
was great dancing and rejoicing ". Holinshed says 
that " after dinner he took his horse and rode to- 
wards London, and on Blackheath the citizens met 
him all dressed and horsed alike, and rode with 
him to the Savoy " ; but according to other ac- 
counts he remained for two months at Eltham be- 
fore proceeding to London. 

The King of Cyprus, King Waldemar of Den- 
mark, and David of Scotland were also Edward's 



guests about this time ; and these five sovereigns 
were sumptuously entertained by Sir Henry Picard, 
the late Lord Mayor of London, at the Vintry Hall 
one day, while his wife the Lady Margaret " held 
her chamber " for the royal ladies. Picard offered 
to play dice and hazard against all comers, and at 
first the King of Cyprus won fifty marks from him, 
but afterwards lost it, and rather sulkily refused to 
pay. Henry Picard apologized grandly, gave him 
the money again, and with it " rich gifts all to the 
glorye of the citizens of London in those days". 
The King and his sons, however, insisted upon fair 
play, and Amadeus had to lose with a bad enough 
grace. His visit was not on the whole a very satis- 
factory one, as Edward entirely declined to be re- 
sponsible for any new Crusades, on the score that 
he was now too old to undertake fresh adventures. 

This was a very cold winter and spring in Eng- 
land, and there was a great frost which lasted from 
September till April. King John's health, never 
very robust, broke down completely under it, and 
early in April he died, to the real regret of his 
English hosts, no less than of his own people. His 
body was removed to France, and buried in the 
cathedral of St. Denis ; and his son Charles V as- 
cended the throne of France. 

Amongst the French nobles who were either 
hostages in England, or had accompanied the 
French King on his journey, was a certain young 
knight named Ingelram de Coucy, handsome, ami- 
able, accomplished, brave, and possessed of the 
most fascinating manners. He was Lord of Coucy, 
la Fere and Oisi, grandson to Duke Leopold of 
Austria, and bore the proud motto : 



Je ne suis roi, ne due, prince, ne comte aussie : 
Je suis le sire de Coucy. 

During the festivities which welcomed King John 
to Eltham, Stow remarks that " the young lord of 
Coucy did his best to dance and sing well when his 
turn came : he was gladly seen by both the French 
and the English, for it well suited him to do all that 
he did ". The younger knights and ladies of both 
countries displayed all their accomplishments ; but 
Ingelram de Coucy was the hero of the hour, and 
his praises were on every tongue. The Princess 
Isabella, now thirty-two and never expected to 
marry, fell desperately in love with the good-look- 
ing foreigner at first sight, and he, although seven 
years her junior, warmly reciprocated her passion. 
A very little persuasion induced Edward to consent 
to their union, and the curiously assorted couple 
were actually married at Windsor " in royal and 
triumphal wise," says Holinshed, in July of the 
following year. De Coucy was given his freedom, 
and later created Earl of Bedford, and made a 
Knight of the Garter, with an annuity of 300 
marks : while Edward settled 4000 upon his 
daughter, in addition to the property she already 
held. The jewels Isabella wore at her wedding, 
all gifts from her father and brothers, were worth 
nearly 3000, and the King exerted himself to make 
the occasion in all respects a very splendid one : 
100 was distributed among the minstrels alone. 
To Philippa, his dear and true wife, he gave a 
present of two beautifully embroidered corselets or 
bodices, one worked with the words Myn Biddinye, 
and the other with her own favourite motto Ich 
wrude muche. Isabella seems to have disliked the 


idea of leaving her native land, and for four months 
yet she and her young husband lingered at her 
father's Court; but in November, 1365, they took 
ship for France, and de Coucy introduced his royal 
bride to the castle of his fathers. 




IN this same year came the great news from Bor- 
deaux of the birth of a son to the Black Prince. 
The child was named Edward, and there were 
great rejoicings in England, for now the direct 
succession seemed assured throughout two genera- 
tions ; although in the end neither father nor son 
ever ascended the throne. Little Edward died at 
seven years old, and Stow remarks ominously " not 
too soon, it was said". The Prince was much 
annoyed at this time by the appointment of the 
Duke of Anjou to the Lieutenant-governorship of 
Languedoc, close to his own Court ; in spite of 
King Edward's dignified warning to the faithless 
young man that unless he returned to England and 
gave himself up within twenty days, he would 
" tarnish the honour of himself and all his lineage ". 
Charles the Wise, King John's son and successor, 
apparently approved his brother's action, for he 
thus rewarded instead of punishing him ; and tak- 
ing no notice of remonstrances, coolly ordered the 
Prince of Wales to put down the Free Companies 
which still devastated the land, and over which he 
had of course no authority whatever. Meanwhile, 
the fortunes of Brittany had been at last settled in 
a great battle fought at Auray in September, 1364, 



when Charles of Blois was killed, the famous Ber- 
trand du Guesclin was taken prisoner, and young 
de Montfort, by the help of Sir John Chandos, 
finally obtained undisputed possession of his Duchy. 
Shortly afterwards he married, as already noticed, 
the Prince of Wales's stepdaughter, the child of 
Holland and Joan. 

Philippa had been right in anticipating trouble 
when her nephew Albert undertook the regency 
of the Hainault Earldom on behalf of his un- 
fortunately afflicted brother William. William had 
now been mad for seven years ; and since there 
was no possible hope of his recovery, Albert wished 
to have himself acknowledged as the full and legal 
Earl ; his first step towards which was the Assembly 
of the Estates of Holland at Gertruydenburg ; 
where he persuaded them to pronounce that Queen 
Philippa could not inherit any part of her brother's 
dominions, the whole being one and indivisible. 
Edward and Philippa were much annoyed at this, 
and refused to accept so arbitrary a reversion of a 
matter which had been settled long ago ; in the 
summer of 1365, therefore, Albert himself came 
over to England to try and persuade them ; but 
Edward refused to listen to any arguments, and 
Philippa's nephew was obliged to return disap- 
pointed. Apparently, however, friendly relations 
between the countries were not materially dis- 
turbed by this private quarrel. 

Edmund and Thomas were now the only two of 
Edward's children still unmarried, and Edmund 
being at this time twenty-four, his father anxiously 
looked about for a suitable alliance for him. The 
richest Princess in Europe was Margaret, the widow 



of that Duke of Burgundy at whose death a few 
years earlier the title had been conferred on King 
John's youngest son, Philip le Hardi ; and this 
lady therefore the King determined to make his 
fourth daughter-in-law. Negotiations for the mar- 
riage went very smoothly, and no trouble was ex- 
perienced until the dispensation of the Pope was 
asked. This was usually such a mere formality 
that the date of the wedding was actually fixed for 
February, 1365, when like a thunderbolt came the 
news that the Pope refused to grant any such dis- 
pensation. The wedding was postponed till May, 
and Edward made every endeavour to persuade 
His Holiness to consent to it, but without avail ; 
and, since although England was already restive 
beneath the Papal authority, no marriage could 
legally take place without the blessing of the 
Church, Edmund lost his wealthy bride, who several 
years later married the new Duke of Burgundy, 
Philip le Hardi himself. There is little doubt that 
it was in anticipation of this event that the King 
of France had urged the Pope on no account to 
permit Margaret's marriage with any son of the 
King of England. 

In April, 1366, Princess Isabella gave birth to a 
daughter whom she named Mary ; and immediately 
upon her recovery she sent joyful messengers to 
inform her father of the event, and started for 
England with her husband and baby. The Earl 
and Countess of Bedford were very warmly wel- 
comed in this country, where they remained for 
over a year ; and during this time Isabella, softened 
by marriage and maternity, seems happily to have 
entered far more into sympathy with her mother 



than ever before. In the spring of 1366, when her 
second daughter was born, in the Palace at Eltham 
where she and de Coucy had first met, the Queen 
was in kind and constant attendance upon her child, 
and the little girl was named Philippa after her. 
A few months later, the Bedfords returned to 
France again. 

In the hands of the Prince of Wales and Sir John 
Chandos meanwhile rested for the present the full 
command of all Edward's foreign possessions. The 
Prince and Princess kept their Court at Bordeaux, 
and hither in 1365 came Pedro of Spain, a fugi- 
tive from his own country, to implore shelter and 
assistance. Pedro had become King of Castille at 
the age of sixteen, had married Blanche of Bourbon 
(whom he left for a mistress two days after the 
ceremony, and murdered some years later), and 
had ultimately made himself so hated and un- 
popular that his illegitimate brother, Henry of 
Trastamare, rose against him by the wishes of his 
people, and claimed his throne. Trastamare was 
at first defeated, and fled to France, where the 
King promised him help ; and the Pope pronounced 
him legitimate, and excommunicated Pedro, who 
promptly made alliance with the King of England, 
always his friend since the sad ending of his be- 
trothal to the Princess Joan. This was in 1362, 
shortly before the famous Bertrand du Guesclin 
became a prisoner in the hands of the Prince of 
Wales, who fixed his ransom at the sum of 100,000 
francs. The Pope, the King of France, and Henry 
of Trastamare together collected this sum and re- 
deemed the gallant du Guesclin, who immediately 
joined Henry, and was followed by most of the in- 



dependent companies at that time patrolling the 
Continent in search of what booty they could get. 
Some of these at least seem to have been under 
English control, for on December 6, 1365, Edward 
wrote to Chandos not to permit these to join in the 
invasion of the dominions of " that noble prince the 
King of Spain " ; but in spite of Chandos' remon- 
strances, most of them had already gone. Pedro, 
terrified, fled from his country, and with his two 
handsome daughters, the Princesses Constantia and 
Isabella, took refuge at the Court of Aquitaine; 
where, in the Abbey of St. Andrew at Bordeaux, 
the Prince and Princess received them with the 
greatest courtesy, and entertained them with many 
banquets and rejoicings. 

Pedro implored assistance from the English 
Prince, assuring him he had plenty of money to pay 
soldiers if they could be supplied, and the Prince, 
who seems to have been completely deceived by the 
Spaniard's silky manner, approved the idea, in spite 
of remonstrances from the chief nobles of Aquitaine, 
loath to render aid to a tyrant and a villain. A 
Parliament was called at Bordeaux to discuss the 
subject, and four knights were dispatched to Eng- 
land to ask King Edward's advice. He received 
them in London, called a Council, at which John of 
Gaunt and several other prominent men expressed 
their approval of the alliance, and so sent them 
back with a message that if sufficient funds were 
forthcoming, he had no objection to his son's fighting 
for the rights of the King of Castille. Pedro laughed 
at the idea of any difficulty concerning money, and 
left his daughters in the Prince's hands as surety 
for all the sums he promised ; nevertheless the 



sums themselves were delayed upon one excuse or 
another, and at last the Prince had to melt down 
all the gold and silver in Bordeaux, and finally to 
apply to his father for help. Edward made over to 
him 500,000 francs due from the King of France ; 
and early in 1367, the Duke of Lancaster sailed 
with a large company of archers, to join his brother's 

The day the Prince left Bordeaux, his wife gave 
birth to a second son Richard, afterwards Richard 
II. ; but, having obtained reassuring news of her, 
the young commander could delay no longer, and 
hurried on to meet the English contingent at Dax 
on the Adour. In the Pass of R-oncesvalles the 
army struggled through a terrific storm of snow and 
wind, and afterwards met with many small reverses, 
but at last in April the Battle of Navarrete was 
fought, resulting in another great victory for the 
English arms. Now, if not sooner, the Prince of 
Wales began to realize the despicable character of 
the man he had made his ally. Henry of Trasta- 
mare had fled, but du Guesclin was a prisoner 
again, and Pedro demanded his life with violence, 
but the Black Prince refused to give him up. Three 
weeks' tournaments and festivities in Burgos did not 
much improve matters by ahollow show of merriment 
where treachery and fraud began to appear all too 
evident. Pedro was again asked for the money of 
which he had so lavishly spoken, and professed to 
hurry to Seville in order to fetch it ; but as a matter 
of fact he had none, and by this time everybody 
knew it. What with war and disease, barely a 
fifth of the English army now survived, and the 
Prince himself lay seriously ill, when Joan wrote 



to her husband that Henry of Trastamare was ad- 
vancing on Aquitaine. Sick though he was, the 
Prince hurried back to Bordeaux, since his first 
business was to defend the Duchy he held of his 
father ; and Henry, his ruse successful, returned to 
Spain, where he was joyfully received. Lancaster 
went back to England with his archers, as there 
was no money to maintain them any longer ; by the 
end of the year du Guesclin was ransomed again ; 
and thus, in spite of the English victory, Henry of 
Trastamare actually conquered, for the allies had 
not been able to hold what they had won at such 
vast expense. 

Pedro, finding the English would help him no 
longer, risked the repudiation of Christendom by 
gathering a ruffianly army of Moors, Jews, and In- 
fidels, and marching once more upon his half- 
brother. The untrained army fled ; Pedro was 
defeated and taken prisoner, and the brothers met 
in the victorious Henry's tent. Pedro watched his 
opportunity, sprang upon Henry with a dagger and 
strove to stab him, but Du Guesclin, who was pre- 
sent, caught him by the leg, and Henry killed him 
in sheer self-defence. Thus miserably, a prisoner 
and a traitor, fell the man who should have been 
beautiful Joan's husband, and who by his crimes 
and his unknightliness had made himself the most 
hated and despised creature in all Europe. His 
two daughters remained at Bordeaux, and ulti- 
mately both married English Princes, Constantia 
the elder becoming the second wife of John of 
Gaunt, and Isabella the younger marrying Edmund 
of Langley. The Black Prince himself never re- 
covered either his health or his moral tone after 



this disastrous Spanish campaign. Always rather 
inclined to be hard and cruel, he had lately de- 
veloped both a callous lethargy and an impatient 
obstinacy which proved very trying to his friends 
and admirers. Constant pain and physical weak- 
ness no doubt clouded his clear outlook ; and it 
was whispered too that this strange exhaustion 
was no result of natural illness, but caused by 
some insidious Spanish poison ; this seems, however, 
not very probable. All unusual symptoms at this 
period were set down to poison ; but the violent 
exercises in which the Prince had indulged since 
early childhood, the extravagance of luxury to 
which he gave way between his campaigns, and the 
exposure, hardship and anxieties of his Spanish 
expedition, were quite sufficient to render his 
constitution particularly sensitive to malarial fever, 
and to make it difficult for him to throw off its 
after effects. His wife was not likely to be of 
much moral use to him ; and after his return to 
Bordeaux, in spite of the difficulty of obtaining 
money to pay troops, the Court life was resumed 
with no less extravagance than of old. Good Sir 
John Chandos remonstrated in vain ; and at last 
retired sadly to his estates in Normandy, unable 
any longer to influence his former princely pupil. 
In despair at the impossibility of raising money, 
the Prince at last imposed a " hearth-tax " in 
Aquitaine, by which one franc must be paid on 
every hearth during the next three years : an ex- 
pedient which rendered him excessively unpopular. 
At home in England things went not much better. 
If Queen Philippa was troubled about her eldest 
son, her second and favourite was progressing 



equally ill. Every measure Lionel introduced into 
Ireland appeared less pleasing than the last ; in- 
stead of soothing, he fomented the quarrels between 
the " English by birth and by blood " ; and at last 
he had to move his Exchequer from Dublin to the 
walled city of Carlow, where he might be safer in 
case of attack. In Lent, 1366, he passed the famous 
Statute of Kilkenny ; and soon after found he could 
be tolerated in the country no longer. The same 
November he returned to England, declaring he 
would never go back of his own will, and the 
Governorship of Ireland was consequently handed 
over to the Earl of Desmond. Disappointed by his 
son's failure here, Edward had, however, already 
attempted to make a place for him elsewhere. 
David of Scotland possessed no children, and 
David and Edward were now, by reason of common 
interests, fast friends. By Edward's desire, David 
had some time earlier proposed to the Scottish 
Parliament that he should appoint Lionel of Eng- 
land his heir ; and though the proposal was met at 
the time with violent scorn and dislike, he had 
nevertheless entered into private treaty with Ed- 
ward that so it should be. Whether Lionel would 
have succeeded better with the Scots than with 
the Irish seems doubtful, but he never had the 
chance to try ; for David lived the longer of the 
two. Philippa now had her favourite son at home 
for almost two years, during which time negotia- 
tions were being pushed forward for his second 
marriage. Edward was by no means particular as 
to his children wedding only into royal blood, but 
a handsome portion was a necessity for the bride ; 
and the lady chosen this time was an Italian, Vio- 

289 19 


lante, only and beautiful daughter of the wealthy 
Galeazzo Visconti, Lord of Pavia, and niece of 
Bernabo, Lord of Milan. 

These Italian sovereign Lords were practically 
Kings, and despotic ones, of their own great estates ; 
but, nevertheless, to marry his daughter to a son of 
the King of England would be a proud thing for 
Galeazzo ; and he was prepared to pay largely for the 
honour of the alliance. In July, 1366, Humphrey 
de Bohun, Constable of England, went to Milan to 
open negotiations in the matter ; but much discus- 
sion and delay followed, and it was not till April, 
1368, that the treaty was actually signed at Windsor, 
and that Lionel set out for Italy to fetch his 
bride. Her dowry was to be 2,000,000 gold florins 
(part of which was paid in advance), besides towns, 
castles, and estates almost beyond number. All 
Italy was in the wildest state of excitement over 
the wedding ; and Lionel himself, foolishly exhilar- 
ated, boasted extravagantly of the wealthy wife he 
was taking, and made of his journey across Europe 
a veritable triumphal progress. Before starting, his 
little daughter Philippa was married off to the Earl 
of March, great-grandson of wicked old Roger 
Mortimer ; but this seems to have interested him 
little, and he took a careless leave of his mother, 
who, one fancies, must have clung to him with a 
rather more demonstrative emotion than ever be- 
fore. Had she any forebodings, one wonders ? 
Did she guess that she and he would never meet 
again ; but within little more than a year would 
both lie cold in their graves, with half a continent 
between them ? He rode away with his gay re- 
tinue of 500 attendants and 1280 horses, sailed 



from Dover to Calais with a fleet of thirty-nine 
great ships and thirteen small, pushed on to Paris, 
and Philippa never saw him more. 

In Paris Lionel was entertained at the Palace of 
the Louvre by Charles of France, and by his own 
sister Isabella, Countess of Bedford and Lady de 
Coucy, proud as ever of making display of any 
of her handsome and distinguished relations. His 
reception seemed all that could be desired in the 
way of courtesy and kindness, and Lionel was far 
too shallow and too full of his own good fortune 
to notice the preparations for war scarcely veiled 
beneath the gay Court life. From Paris he pressed 
on to Sens and Chambery, where he was warmly 
welcomed by the Count of Savoy, whose sister 
Blanche was the mother of Violante, and conse- 
quently future mother-in-law to himself. On leav- 
ing Chambery, the Count of Savoy accompanied the 
bridal train across the Alps to Milan, which was 
reached in the end of May ; and on June 5, Lionel 
of England, Duke of Clarence and Earl of Ulster, 
married his beautiful Violante before the door of 
the great cathedral at Milan in the presence of a 
great and truly famous assembly. Never, through- 
out the Middle Ages, do we read of such magnifi- 
cent and prolonged festivities as attended this 
occasion ; the wedding banquet consisted of thirty 
courses, between each of which gifts of fabulous 
value were presented to the English Prince and 
his knights. " There were," says Stow, " in one 
only course seventy goodly horses adorned with 
silk and silver furniture ; and in another, silver 
vessels, falcons, hounds, armour for horses, costly 
coats of mail, breast-plates glistering of massy steel, 



helmets and corselets decked with costly crests, ap- 
parelled distinct with costly jewels, soldiers' girdles, 
and lastly, certain gems by curious art set in gold 
and purple, and cloth of gold for men's apparel in 
great abundance. And such was the sumptuous- 
ness of that banquet that the meats which were 
brought from table would sufficiently have served 
ten thousand men." Geoffrey Chaucer is said to 
have accompanied his Prince upon this journey, 
during which his fertile mind gathered many an 
impression destined later, decked in poetic imagery, 
to delight the hearts and ears of his own country- 
men. Froissart was also of the train, and the 
legend goes that at this famous feast they met with 
the aged Petrarch and the great Boccaccio ; truly 
a company of genius, of which Galeazzo might have 
been far prouder than of his daughter's wondrous 
match. The festivities lasted nearly five months, 
all through the heat of an Italian summer ; and 
Lionel we may be sure never checked himself in 
the indulgence of any pleasure. In the beginning 
of October he and his bride went to Alba in Pied- 
mont, and here he was suddenly taken violently ill. 
On October 3 he made his will, and on the 7th 
he died. 

The unfortunate Galeazzo was nearly frantic 
with dismay and grief. All his fine plans were 
toppled to the earth, vast sums of money had been 
spent, and the English alliance was not only at an 
end, but he found himself actually regarded with 
suspicion and enmity by many of the Prince's friends, 
who openly accused him of poisoning their master 
through some of his rich gifts. There does not 
seem the smallest likelihood of this story being true, 



since Galeazzo at least had everything to gain by 
Lionel's life and all to lose in his death ; but so per- 
sistent were the rumours that long afterwards Lord 
Edmund Spenser and Sir Thomas Hawkwood, with 
the White Company, marched to Italy to demand 
revenge, and were with difficulty satisfied by the 
Duke of Milan. Stow's account of Lionel's death 
leaves little doubt that it was purely natural ; " Not 
long after," he writes, "Lionel, living with his new 
wife, whilst after the manner of his own country, as 
forgetting or not regarding his change of air, he 
addicted himself overmuch to untimely banquetings, 
and, spent and consumed with a lingering sickness, 
died at Alba ". The ill-fated Duke of Clarence was 
buried first with great pomp at Pavia, but later, at 
his father's desire, his remains were transferred to 
the church of the Austin Friars at Clare in Suffolk, 
where his first wife Elizabeth lay buried. Violante 
shortly afterwards married Otho Paleologus, Mar- 
quis of Montferrat. 




QUEEN PHILIPPA had long felt her strength failing 
her; she suffered much from a painful internal 
disease, and in 1367 was attacked by dropsy. 
When in the end of the following year the sudden 
news of her favourite son's death reached her with- 
out any warning, it seems to have dealt a blow from 
which she never afterwards really recovered ; nor 
were her last years particularly happy ones. Ed- 
ward's vitality, over-spent in his early wars, left him 
an almost foolish old man over fifty ; now and again 
gleams of the old spirit informed his frame, but for 
the most part he left the conduct of affairs to his 
sons and ministers, and dawdled away his days in 
the company of a handsome courtesan named Alice 
Ferrers. This woman, who must undoubtedly have 
been exceedingly attractive, was one of the Queen's 
own damsels, and seems indeed to have remained 
in the royal service until Philippa's death, immedi- 
ately after which she obtained an absolute and 
shameful ascendancy over her royal slave. The 
liaison however had begun long before ; for in 1368 
Edward made her a grant of the manor of Arding- 
ton in Berkshire, which had belonged to his aunt, 
Mary, late Countess Marshall. It is scarcely pos- 
sible that so shrewd a woman as Philippa can have 



been unaware of her husband's infatuation, and it 
must have added much to the anxieties of her last 
days ; but with the exception of one allusion on 
her deathbed, she made him no reproaches, and 
remained a faithful and devoted wife to her dying 

The last year of her life was further saddened 
and unsettled by a renewal of the war with France. 
Her eldest son, suffering from the same disease as 
herself and woefully ill, hungered for home : in the 
spring of 1368 preparations were made for his 
return to England, but Aquitaine was still in a very 
unsettled state, and at the last moment he decided 
not to go, foreseeing that the loss of prestige in 
his departure would be too great, and that a change 
of government at this time would probably result 
in the loss of the Duchy altogether. Stricken 
with mortal illness, however, and no longer his old 
knightly self, he persisted in the harsh and un- 
popular " Fouage " or hearth- tax, which he had levied 
upon Aquitaine ; and by this so angered the Gascon 
lords that they complained of him to the King of 
France. This was a quite unjustifiable action, 
since England alone held sovereignty over the 
Duchy, and no greater insult could have been 
offered the Prince than that Charles should inter- 
fere between him and his people. In the end of 
January, 1369, however, a French embassy arrived 
at Bordeaux, bearing orders that the Prince of 
Wales and Duke of Aquitaine should appear at 
Paris without delay, to answer before the French 
King to the charges and accusations preferred 
against him by his own subjects. At this the 
wounded hero rose from his couch, and with a 



flash of his ancient spirit cried aloud, u Ay, willingly 
shall I come to France since the King of France 
desires it, but verily it shall be with helmet on head 
and sixty thousand men at my back ! " And with that 
he dismissed the Embassy, sent to recall Sir John 
Chandos, and made prompt preparations for another 
armed expedition. Charles of France was a wily 
fox, whose game was usually played in " masterly 
inaction," and who had for long been quietly build- 
ing up his resources for some such opportunity as 
this ; but for once he found himself to have acted 
too precipitately. In haste to recover his footing, 
he dispatched friendly messengers to the King of 
England, with many fair words and a gift of fifty 
pipes of wine. Edward did not receive them very 
cordially, for he had never trusted Charles, and 
when almost immediately after, he heard of what 
had happened in Aquitaine, the old lion arose in 
his wrath once more, and he bade them, says Stow, 
"get home with their deceitful presents to their 
deceitful Lord, whose mocks he would not leave 
long unrevenged ". The messengers fled home with 
their despised gifts, but at Calais were detained, 
and the wines and goods taken from them : they 
were, however, lucky to escape with their lives, 
for Charles's preparations being now complete, he 
threw off the mask, seized Ponthieu, and at Dover 
the returning Embassy was actually met by the 
King of France's scullion, bearing a declaration 
of war. 

Never before had the majesty of England been 
so offended; and the indignation of King and 
people knew no bounds. This French scullion or 
" varlet of the household," came to the Palace at 



Westminster, where Parliament sat ; and delivered 
the letters he bore, declaring himself ignorant of 
their contents. At first it was thought the man 
must be mad, or the whole affair a hoax ; but the 
seals on the letters were genuine, and it became 
evident on the contrary that Charles had deliber- 
ately chosen this method of insulting his country's 
old enemy. If he had supposed Edward now too 
old and weak to encounter him, his mistake soon 
became apparent. The Prince of Wales might lie 
dying, but the King had other sons, and every man 
in England sprang to arms, eager to discipline 
French insolence. Once more, as in the old days, 
the country rang with a ferment of warlike bustle. 
All English ships were bidden " resist the malice of 
our enemies the French already on the seas " ; John 
of Gaunt was appointed his father's Lieutenant for 
Calais, Guisnes, and the country around ; every 
English castle in France was victualled and pre- 
pared for siege ; companies of archers were made 
ready to embark ; and at a Parliament held early 
in June, Edward resumed his title of King of 
France, a claim incorporated in the great seal of 
England till the reign of George III. Meanwhile, 
alliances were formed in every possible direction : 
the truce with Scotland was renewed for fourteen 
years ; the young Duke of Gueldres and the 
Marquis of Juliers were friends already, and Sir 
Robert of Namur was made a Knight of the 
Garter ; but Henry of Trastamare, now King of 
Castille, naturally stood for France ; and Albert 
of Hainault, whom it had been hoped to gain, 
had already promised to remain neutral. Philippa, 
now a very sick and weary woman, bestirred her- 



self to write personally to this nephew, sending him 
some valuable jewels which had formerly belonged 
to Maud of Lancaster, his brother's wife, and asking 
his aid and friendship. Perhaps Albert was really 
sorry to refuse her, but it must have been an un- 
gracious task : he did, however, equally decline to 
support France. Philippa sent handsome presents 
and jewels to the King of Cyprus also ; and thus 
to the last moment worked for the good of her 
husband and her adopted country. 

Ingelram de Coucy, Earl of Bedford, the King's 
own son-in-law, was torn in both ways by this re- 
newal of war ; and at last, rather than bear arms 
against either King, he decided to travel in Italy, 
and send his wife and two little daughters home to 
England. Isabella returned, therefore, apparently 
for good, and after her mother's death took the 
place of chief lady as her father's Court. She 
seems to have seen little more of her husband, who 
ultimately, on Edward's death, returned his Garter 
to the new King of England, on the plea that he 
was "obliged to serve the King of France, his 
natural and sovereign lord, according to his duty 
as a liege subject " ; but that he surrendered this 
decoration "which it had been his honour and 
pride to wear, and humbly besought the Sovereign 
to elect another knight in his room ". 

In the early summer the Duke of Lancaster took 
a last leave of his mother and sailed for Calais ; 
and at the same time Edmund of Langley, Earl of 
Cambridge, with his friend and brother-in-law the 
Earl of Pembroke, poor little Margaret's bride- 
groom, took command of another army which was 
to land in Brittany. Pembroke was a hot-tempered 



and reckless young man, very vain of himself and 
his own prowess, and he promptly quarrelled with 
the veteran Sir John Chandos, and by refusing to 
follow all advice placed himself in some very awk- 
ward situations. Chandos was generous, however, 
and rescued the hare-brained Earl, who lived for 
many years after to share Lancaster's influence 
over old King Edward, and perhaps to render 
England little service by so doing. The King him- 
self took no active share in this expedition, but 
remained at Windsor, and with Thomas of Wood- 
stock, their youngest son, now aged fourteen, was 
alone of all her great family with Philippa when 
that good and faithful wife sank to her well-earned 
rest. The end came on August 15. The Bishop 
of Winchester, William of Wykeham, confessed the 
Queen and gave her the last sacrament ; and all 
her sorrowing damsels wept bitterly at their ap- 
proaching loss. Froissart, who was very genuinely 
devoted to her, has described her last words in so 
simple and touching a fashion that they can 
scarcely be told otherwise ; and if Edward had in- 
deed no qualms of shame at the gentle dignity of 
her requests, he must have been more or less than 

"When the good Lady perceived her end ap- 
proaching," writes the old Hainault chronicler ; 
" she called to the King, and extending her right 
hand from under the bedclothes, put it into the 
right hand of the King, who was very sorrowful at 
heart, and thus spoke : ' We have enjoyed our 
union in happiness, peace and prosperity ; I entreat 
therefore of you that on our separation you will 
grant me three requests '. The King with sighs and 



tears replied, ' Lady, ask ; whatever you request 
shall be granted '. ' My Lord, I beg you will acquit 
me of whatever engagements I may have entered 
into formerly with merchants for their wares, as 
well on this as on the other side of the sea. I be- 
seech you also to fulfil what gifts or legacies I may 
have made or left to churches here or on the con- 
tinent, where I have paid my devotions, as well as 
what I may have left to those of both sexes who 
have been in my service. Thirdly, I entreat that 
when it shall please God to call you hence, you will 
not choose any other sepulchre than mine, and will 
lie by my side in the cloister at Westminster.' The 
King in tears replied, ' Lady, I grant them '. Soon 
after, the good Lady made the sign of the cross on 
her breast, and having recommended to God the 
King and her youngest son Thomas, who was pre- 
sent, gave up her spirit, which I firmly believe was 
caught by the holy angels and carried to glory in 
heaven, for she had never done anything by thought 
or deed which could endanger her losing it." 

Edward did indeed fulfil his wife's last wishes to 
the letter. He bought from the Canons of St. Paul's, 
who had taken it from the tomb of Bishop North- 
broke, a magnificent wrought-iron hearse for the 
Queen's funeral procession through London ; after 
which she was buried with much pomp and lamen- 
tation in Edward the Confessor's Chapel at West- 
minster Abbey, and a costly tomb of black marble 
was erected over her remains. On it was laid a life- 
sized alabaster figure of herself, and around it were 
placed thirty small alabaster figures of her more dis- 
tinguished relatives and contemporaries, of which 
two only now remain. Stow, quoting from an old 


To face page WQ 



manuscript, describes them as originally represent- 
ing the Kings of Navarre, Bohemia, Scotland, Spain, 
and Sicily at the Queen's feet : her father, husband, 
and eldest son, with King John of France and the 
Emperor Lewis of Bavaria at her head : on her left, 
Queen Joan of Scotland, Edward's young brother 
John of Eltham, her own daughter Isabella, her sons 
Lionel, John, Edmund and Thomas, and her three 
daughters-in-law, Joan of Kent, Princess of Wales, 
Elizabeth de Burgh, Duchess of Clarence, and 
Blanche, Duchess of Lancaster : while on her right 
were her mother, brother, and sister-in-law, her two 
younger daughters Mary and Margaret, her uncle Sir 
John of Hainault, her nephew William, and Charles, 
Duke of Brabant. The figure of Philippa herself 
is not a very pleasing one, and as it apparently 
represents her at the time of her death, and after 
she had long suffered from a disfiguring disease, it 
does her little justice. Handsome heads of her 
were set up in certain Bristol churches, but un- 
doubtedly her most becoming representation is the 
painting already described in St. Stephen's Chapel 
at Westminster. According to custom, a mortuary 
gift of the state bed on which she died was made 
to the Chapter of York Minster, and it is gleefully 
recorded that they got thirteen copes, six tunics, 
and a chasuble out of the valuable stuffs with which 
it was hung. Edward's own monument, when he 
came to die, was placed at the head of his Queen's ; 
but Dart declares that his body was actually buried 
at Philippa' s side according to his promise. 

" Dead is she and buried, that kind lady who in 
all honour without blame passed her life. Alas 
what news for all her friends ! " laments the faith- 



ful Froissart. A Latin epitaph, long since de- 
stroyed, was hung beside Philippa's tomb, but the 
translation of it, rendered into English by the 
poet Skelton, who flourished a hundred years later, 
still remains to us. 

Faire Philippe, William Hainault's child, and younger daughter 


Of roseate hue and beauty bright, in tomb lies hilled here ; 
Edward the Third, thro' mother's will and nobles good consent, 
Took her to wife, and joyfully with her his time he spent. 
Her uncle John, a martial man, and eke a valiant knight, 
Did link this woman to this king in bonds of marriage right. 
This match and marriage thus in blood did bind the Flemings 


To Englishmen, by which they did the Frenchmen's wrack pro- 

This Philippe, flowered in gifts full rare and treasures of the mind, 
In beauty bright, religion, faith, to all and each most kind. 
A fruitful mother Philippe was, full many a son she bred, 
And brought forth many a worthy knight, hardy and full of 

dread ; 

A careful nurse to students all, at Oxford she did found 
Queens College, and Dame Pallas school, that did her fame re- 

The wife of Edward, dear 

Queen Philippe, lieth here. 

Learn to live. 

The Queen's requests concerning the payment 
of her debts seem all to have been faithfully dis- 
charged, together with certain gifts she had be- 
queathed to St. Stephen's Chapel at Westminster, 
and to the Hospital of the nuns of St. Katherine's 
by the Tower ; but only the year after her death, 
the King commanded his Exchequer to pay to " our 
beloved damsel Alicia de Preston, late damsel to 
Philippa late Queen of England," for her good and 
faithful services to the said Queen, the sum of ten 



marks yearly during her "\fe, at "Pasche" and 
Michaelmas. There is little doubt that the damsel 
thus affectionately mentioned was the same as Alice 
Ferrers, and it seems somewhat unworthy of 
Edward to describe his bounty as a reward for so 
treacherous a service. The ten marks can have 
meant little to Alice, who, before many years had 
passed, was possessed of fat manors in seventeen 
different counties ; but it would perhaps have 
seemed invidious to omit her name entirely from 
the paper, which concludes with a mere list of the 
Queen's other damsels. " To Matilda Fisher, Eliza- 
beth Pershore, and Johanna Kawley, ten marks 
yearly ; to Johanna Cosin, Philippa the Pycard, 
and Agatha Liergin, a hundred shillings yearly ; 
and to Matilda Eadscroft and Agnes de Saxilby, 
five marks yearly." A mark was worth about 
13s. 4d. but could of course purchase a great deal 
more than that sum would do to-day. Philippa the 
Pycard, mentioned above, was the wife of Geoffrey 
Chaucer, and had already received a pension of ten 
marks yearly in 1366, perhaps upon her marriage. 
Her father was a native of Guyenne ; but it seems 
doubtful that she was, as some declare, the sister 
of Katherine B-oet, John of Gaunt's acknowledged 
mistress, whom in the last years of his life he 
married. Philippa Chaucer was transferred, soon 
after the death of her beloved lady, to the service 
of John of Gaunt's second wife, Constantia of 
Castille ; for England still wept the loss of the good 
Queen when the fair and noble Duchess Blanche 
of Lancaster followed her to the grave, less than 
a month later. Blanche was 29, and the mother of 
seven children, of whom three only lived, amongst 



them being Henry Bolingbroke, who thirty years 
later usurped the throne of his cousin Richard 
II, and became King of England. Geoffrey Chaucer 
has sung pathetically of Blanche's death in " The 
Boke of the Duchess," and painted for us the de- 
solation of England at the loss of these two good 
and noble women ; and England indeed might well 
regret, and look heavily and apprehensively towards 
the future. Blanche was buried in " Paul's Church 
of London ". 

Philippa's forebodings were all too well fulfilled : 
within a few years of her death, Edward's great 
schemes had crumbled, his influence waned, his 
character deteriorated : and little was left of all 
his mighty victories. As Froude has said, " Under 
him England was successful in battles, but defeated 
in war ". His Queen had borne him twelve chil- 
dren, none of whom ever wore a crown, and five 
only survived her. Blanche and the two Williams 
died in infancy ; Joan, Mary and Margaret in early 
youth ; Lionel in his prime ; and the Black Prince 
not many years after his mother. On the last day 
of this year died Sir John Chandos, when which 
news was brought to the Prince, he said only, " I 
have lost but too much this year on both sides of 
the water". His own strength sank wretchedly, 
and with it his own chivalry ; his first victories in 
the new war with France were followed by whole- 
sale massacre and bitter cruelty ; and after a while 
there were no more victories, for fortune went to 
France. By 1373 he was too ill even to mount his 
horse ; and he gave up the command of Aquitaine 
to his brother the Duke of Lancaster, and returned 
to England with his wife and remaining son. Here 


To face page 304 



for three years he lingered yet, dying at Westminster 
in June, 1376, aged forty-seven, rather disliked and 
feared than honoured and adored as he had been 
in youth. His body was embalmed and lay in 
state at Westminster till Michaelmas, when it was 
conveyed to Canterbury and buried in the Cathe- 
dral according to his wish. A striking and noble 
effigy of himself is laid upon his tomb, and above it 
to this day hang the rusty helm and the tattered 
surcoat of the young hero of Crecy and Poitiers. 
A melancholy end to so radiant a promise ; and it 
had been better far for him to have fallen in the 
hour of victory. But Philippa at least was spared 
the witness of these last sad years. 

King Edward himself was never the same man 
after his wife's death. He had depended more than 
he knew upon her steadfast and straightforward 
character ; her loss plunged him into uncontrollable 
grief, and his consolation fell unfortunately into the 
ready hands of Alice Ferrers. This woman seems 
to have understood well enough how to attend to 
his creature comforts, and in his gratitude and great 
weariness he let her ask of him in return what she 
would. A few years after Philippa's death, the 
shameful order was given : " Know all that we give 
and concede to our beloved Alice Perrers, late 
damsel of the chamber to our most dear consort 
Philippa now dead, and her heirs and executors, 
all the jewels, goods and chattels that the said 
Queen left in the hands of Euphemia, wife to 
Walter de Heselarton, knight ; and the said Eu- 
phemia is to deliver them to the said Alice on re- 
ceipt of this our order ". Perhaps Philippa would 
have forgiven him if she knew ; for sense, patience 

305 20 


and pitifulness were not the least of her virtues ; 
but her people and her children looked upon the 
situation with unspeakable disgust. Nor did it 
cease here. Alice obtained such influence over her 
royal lover that she was permitted to interfere in 
affairs of State, and even took bribes to induce 
judges to pronounce unjust sentences. Edward 
allowed her to flaunt her power before the whole 
Court ; she and his daughter Isabella, Countess of 
Bedford, were treated as joint leaders of society ; 
and at a great seven days' tournament held at 
Smithfield in 1374, Alice appeared in a chariot by 
the King's side, dressed in gorgeous raiment as the 
Lady of the Sun. It is one of the worst traits in 
the Duke of Lancaster's character that he, alone 
of all Philippa's children, encouraged his father in 
this unworthy infatuation, in order to please and 
occupy him while he himself worked to obtain ab- 
solute power in the State. In this, however, he 
overreached himself. As his elder brother ap- 
proached death, it was thought that Lancaster in- 
tended to set aside the little Prince Richard, and 
himself claim next heirship to the throne, and this 
rumour made him exceedingly unpopular. It was 
now that the absurd story sprang up of Philippa's 
so-called confession to the Bishop of Winchester 
as to his being no son of hers or the King's at all, 
and for some weeks this was much talked of and 
perhaps believed by some. At any rate it spoiled 
Lancaster's plans for the moment. He was already 
at enmity with his brother the Prince of Wales ; 
and as, even should little Richard and his father 
both die, the next heir was emphatically not him- 
self, but Philippa, Countess of March, only child 



of the dead Lionel, the March party stood also 
strongly against his desires. In April, 1376, Par- 
liament made ordinance in the King's name that 
" Whereas many women prosecute the suits of 
others in courts of justice by way of maintenance, 
and to get profit thereby, which is displeasing to 
the King, he forbids any woman henceforward, 
and especially Alice Ferrers, to do so, on pain of 
the said Alice forfeiting all her goods, and suffering 
banishment from the kingdom ". The Duke of 
Lancaster was also forced to retire from public life 
for a time, and all this had the unfortunate effect 
of promoting estrangement and embitterment be- 
tween the King and his eldest son, who died two 
months after the ordinance was passed. 

Once the Black Prince lay dead, it was not long 
before everything was reversed, and Lancaster and 
Alice rose to more supreme power than ever : but 
Edward's great days were over. He, who had 
loved popularity and applause all his life, died 
neglected and almost alone at Sheen Palace in 
June, 1377, just a year after his son the Prince of 
Wales. He was sixty-four, a good age for a man 
of that period, and he had used himself to the full ; 
he died worn out in body and spirit. Alice Perrers 
clung to him during his last illness for fear lest her 
influence might be weakened, but when she saw 
him actually at the point of death, she tore the 
rings from his stiffening fingers, and fled away to 
her lover Sir William de Windsor, who shortly 
after married her. All Edward's servants were 
busy plundering his palace, and had it not been 
for one priest who found and stayed with him, 
the old King would have died quite forsaken. 



This too was a sad ending for so great a man. 
How must his thoughts have turned at the last 
to the tender heart and firm goodness of his lost 
Philippa ! 

John of Gaunt made no attempt, as was half 
expected, to wrest the crown from his ten-year-old 
nephew, who immediately ascended the throne as 
Richard II, under the guardianship of his three 
uncles. The Princess of Wales, fair Joan of Kent, 
took up a dignified position as Princess Mother, 
and lived till 1385, when she expired of grief, it is 
said, at a quarrel between her two sons, the King 
and Lord Holland. 

Isabella, Countess of Bedford, made several at- 
tempts to rejoin her husband, but he does not 
seem to have welcomed her very warmly, and at 
last told her, gently but firmly, that he intended 
resuming his French allegiance, and would prefer 
to part finally from her. He renounced his Eng- 
lish title, and all his lands in England ; returned 
his Garter ; and since they had no sons, kept his 
elder daughter Mary with him, and afterwards 
married her to a French nobleman, while his wife 
retained possession of their younger daughter 
Philippa. This renunciation of lands left Isabella 
in a somewhat straightened position, and since she 
had never been economical in her life and knew 
not how to begin, she complained bitterly to her 
nephew King Richard and her brothers his guar- 
dians, with the result that the Archbishop of 
Canterbury and certain Bishops were made her 
trustees for the same estates, the revenues of which 
she should still enjoy during her lifetime. This 
settlement left her in easy circumstances till her 



death in 1379 : but since it was a common thing 
at this time for women to hold and administer large 
estates themselves, it is evident that Isabella's 
brothers considered her too flighty and extravagant 
to be trusted in business matters, or they would 
not have taken them so entirely out of her hands : 
nor is de Coucy's rather extraordinary action to be 
accounted for otherwise than by his wife's conduct 
and ail-but impossible temper. It will be remem- 
bered that he was some years younger than her- 
self, and there is no reason to suppose that her 
selfish, vain and overbearing character had been ma- 
terially altered by marriage. De Coucy is spoken of 
by every contemporary chronicler as the pattern of 
his time, a model of chivalry, a patron of learning, 
wise, noble, brave, and virtuous ; it seems probable 
therefore that if faults there were to cause this 
separation, they lay chiefly upon the wife's side. 
Isabella died two years after her father, and later 
in life her widower married Isabella de Lorraine : 
while Philippa de Coucy became the wife of an 
English nobleman, the Earl of Oxford and Duke of 

After the death of the Duchess Blanche, John of 
Gaunt had married Constantia of Castille, elder 
daughter of his brother's ally Pedro the Cruel, and 
by her right he assumed the title of King of Cas- 
tille, but it was merely a barren honour. Pedro's 
younger daughter Isabella was married to Edmund 
of Langley, afterwards Duke of York, and their 
son Richard married Anne, the granddaughter of 
Philippa of Clarence, from whom sprang the House 
of York and party of the White Rose, which thus 
undoubtedly held a better right to the throne than 



the House of Lancaster, Lionel being the elder 
brother of John. Edmund of Langley seems to 
have much resembled his brother Lionel in char- 
acter. He was handsome, pleasant, lazy, and never 
accomplished anything important, though great 
issues lay often in his hands : he did not die till 
1402. On the death of Isabella of Castille, he 
married Joan Holland, granddaughter of the Prin- 
cess of Wales ; who survived him long enough to 
have three more husbands before she died in 1434. 
" Turbulent Thomas of Woodstock ," Duke of Glou- 
cester, might have done much had he not been 
overshadowed by his brother John, and had his 
energy been equally tempered by the coolness of 
that brother. Their tastes were somewhat similar, 
for both loved literature and the new learning : 
Thomas patronized the poet Gower, who was 
originally a member of his household; and even 
himself wrote a " History of the Laws of Battle ". 
He married Eleanor, the heiress of Humphrey de 
Bohun, Constable of England. Thomas came into 
conflict with his nephew Richard II during the 
last years of his reign, was suddenly arrested one 
night in his country house in the summer of 1397, 
charged with treason, and hurriedly conveyed to 
Calais. It would have been scarcely safe publicly 
to impeach and execute him, so it was given out 
that he had died of apoplexy ; but confession was 
afterwards made that he had been smothered be- 
tween two feather beds. 

Three years later, after a reign of twenty-two 
years, the young King himself died an equally 
mysterious death at the will of his cousin Henry 
Bolingbroke, Lancaster's son, who immediately 



Edmund Crouchback, 

Earl of Lancaster, 

died 1296. 


Thomas of 
Earl of 1 

died 1399. 

of Gaunt, 

Duke of Lancaster, 










2nd, 3r 

Constantia Kath 
of Castille. Swyn 

John B 

Earl of Sj 


Duke of S 

Earl of B 
son of Owen 






Earl of Lancaster, 
died 1345. 


Duke of Lancaster, 
died 1361. 

Maud, Blanche, 

married married 

William, John of Gaunt, 
Earl of Hainault. q.v. 


usurped the throne. "Old John of Gaunt, time- 
honoured Lancaster," did not himself live to see 
this consummation, but it was in good training 
before his death in 1398. In his old age, after 
Constantia's death, he had married Katherine 
Swynford, formerly Katherine Roet, who had been 
first governess to his children, then mistress to 
himself, and finally his wife. By her he had a 
large family of children, legitimized by the name 
of Beaufort. He was on the whole a clever but 
rather unscrupulous character, and had it not been 
for his deep interest in and patronage of Wycliffe 
and the Lollards, he would scarcely perhaps have 
met with so much respect as history has accorded 

Gallant Sir Walter Manny died in January, 1372. 
He had married Margaret Plantagenet, daughter 
of Thomas of Brotherton, Earl of Norfolk, half- 
brother to Edward II., and by her had one son, 
Thomas, who was drowned in a well at Deptford 
during his father's lifetime ; and one daughter, 
Anne, married to the Earl of Pembroke, whose first 
wife had been the Princess Margaret of Windsor. 
Anne also had but one son, John, who was killed 
at a joust at Woodstock while still a minor, leaving 
no children ; and thus the posterity of this noble 
knight died quickly out. Manny left also two 
illegitimate daughters, who bore the curious names 
of Mailosel and Malplesant. 

The house of Salisbury was equally unfortunate, 
for the second Earl, son of King Edward's early 
friend William Montacute, had the dire mischance 
to kill his only child in a tilting match at Windsor 



in 1382: and this title also lapsed for some cen- 

David of Scotland died in February, 1371, aged 
47, having reigned forty-two years, and spent 
eleven of them in an English prison. He left 
no children, but was succeeded by his first cousin, 
Robert Stewart, whose mother had been a Bruce : 
and thus the Stewart line came into possession of 
the throne of Scotland. 

Few, if any, Queen-consorts of England have 
left behind them so noble and distinguished a re- 
cord as Philippa of Hainault. From the days 
when she was a schoolgirl at Valenciennes to the 
hour when she died, a tired woman, at Windsor 
forty-three years later, she was the good angel of 
Edward and of England. All the years of her life, 
and they were fifty-six, she had worked faithfully 
and untiringly for those dear to her, nor did her 
labours cease when failing health, sorrow, bereave- 
ment and disillusion darkened her path. A true 
Mother of her people, through the most difficult 
period of history she held the balance even be- 
tween duty and inclination ; nor did she win the 
less love because, with all her kindness, she was 
never weakly indulgent to follies, her own or 
others'. The few murmurs that rose against her 
have been mentioned, and in a great measure ex- 
plain themselves : she was a woman of business, 
and against such the unbusinesslike will ever rebel. 
The England of the fourteenth century was un- 
settled and excited, naturally perhaps, with such 
constant mighty victories and violent issues hang- 
ing ever in the balance ; but through it all Philippa 
walked with clear head and steady feet. The 



tenderest of mothers, the most devoted of wives, 
and never more royal than when she occupied her- 
self about the smallest detail of her people's lives, 
she seems, indeed, as Froissart painted her, " la plus 
gentil roine, plus large, et plus courtoise que oncques 
regna en son temps ". 


ALBERT, Duke of Austria, 116, 252. 
Albret, Ezzi, Lord of, 221-2. 
Alfonso, King of Castille, 84, 164-5, 

190-3, 199, 212. 
Almeric of Pavia, 210. 
Amadeus, King of Cyprus. 276-8, 

Ambreticourt, Sir Eustace d', 27-9, 


Anjou, Due d', 262, 276, 281. 
Archer, Agnes, 209. 
Arteveldt, Catherine von, 115. 
Arteveldt, Jacob von, 99, 113-5, 122, 

129, 147-8. 

Arteveldt, Philip von, 115. 
Artois, Robert of, 26, 91-3, 95-7, 99, 

102, 121, 133, 139-40. 
Arundel, Countess of, 120. 
Arundel, Earl of, 35-6. 
Aungerville, 126. 

Austria, see Albert, Frederick, Otho. 
BACHE. Anthony, 108. 
Baddeley, Thomas de, 190. 
Baldock, Bishop of Norwich, 35. 
Baliol, Edward, 80-1, 86, 93, 129, 


Banaster, Sir Adam, 66. 
Barde, Bartholomew de, 65. 
Bardi, Society of, at Florence, 66, 


Basent, Roger, 146. 
Beche, Constable de la, 123. 
Bedingfeld, Alice de, 141. 
Bel, Jehan le, Canon of Liege, 177, 


Belet, Roger and Agnes, 210. 
Bello Monte, John de, 110. 
Berkhampstead, Thomas and John 

de, 217. 

Bern, Due de, 262. 
Blakherl, Robert, 64. 
Blanche of Bourbon, wife of Pedro 

of Castille, 199, 284. 
Blanche of Lancaster, wife of John 

of Gaunt, 151, 225, 253, 256-7, 

262, 264-5, 270, 272, 301, 303-4, 


Blanche of Navarre, 211. 
Blanche of Savoy, 291. 
Blanche of the Tower, 135, 206, 304. 
Blois, Charles of, see Charles. 
Blunt, Sir Thomas, 39. 

Boccaccio, 197, 292. 

Bohemia, John of, see John. 

Bohun, Eleanor, 310. 

Bohun, Humphrey de, Constable of 

England, 290, 310. 
Bohun, John, Earl of Hereford and 

Essex, 46-7. 

Botheby, Adam de, Abbot of Peter- 
borough, 85. 

Boulogne, Countess of, 211. 
Bourbon, Due de, 262. 
Bourchier, Sir Robert, 192. 
Brabant, Duke of, 98, 105, 139, 165, 

Brabant, Margaret of, 102, 139, 165, 

170, 172. 

Brittany, Arthur, Duke of, 136. 
Brittany, John, Duke of, 133, 136. 
Brittany, John de Montf ort, Duke of, 

136-7, 147. 
Brittany, John, son of John de 

Montfort, Duke of, 137-9, 146-7, 

163, 197, 230-1, 237, 252-3, 261, 

264-6, 282. 
Brittany, Jeanne de, daughter of 

John de Montfort, 197. 
Brittany, Joan, Duchess of, see Mont- 
fort, Countess of. 
Bromley, John, 79. 
Bruce, David, see David, King of 


Bruce, Robert, 40, 53, 79-80. 
Brunswick, Duke of, 226. 
Burchard, Rose, 172. 
Bures, John de, 109. 
Burgh, Elizabeth de, see Elizabeth. 
Burghersh, Bartholomew de, 40, 43, 

45, 64. 

Burgundy, Duke of, 276. 
Burgundy, Margaret, Duchess of, 


Burleigh, Simon, 79. 
Burleigh, Dr. Walter, 79. 
Burwash, Henry, Bishop of Lincoln, 


CARLISLE, Bishop of, 120, 192, 199. 
Carru, Joan de, 50, 141. 
Castille, see Alfonso and Pedro. 
Caxton, 94. 

Chalons, Bishop of, 240. 
Chandos, Sir John, 154, 214, 282, 

284-5, 288, 296, 299, 304. 



Charles of Blois, 136-7, 230-2, 246, 
261, 264, 282. 

Charles de la Cerda, 212. 

Charles IV of France, 22-3, 25, 58, 91. 

Charles V of France, 237, 254-5, 
259-61, 278, 281, 284, 286, 291, 

Charles of Luxembourg, King of the 
Romans, 153, 182, 205. 

Charles of Navarre, 236-7, 246. 

Chatel, Sir Taneguy de, 253. 

Chaucer, Geoffrey, 50, 126, 251-2, 
256, 292, 303-4. 

Chaucer, John, 251. 

Chaucer, Philippa, 303. 

Clarel, Robert, 228. 

Clarence, Duke of, see Lionel. 

Clarence, Philippa of, 273, 290, 306, 

Clisson, Sir Amauric, de, 137-9. 

Clogh, Thomas de, 146, 219. 

Clune, Roger de, 187. 

Clyneham, Thomas de, Queen 
Philippa's chaplain, 256. 

Clynton, Ivo de, clerk, 149. 

Clynton, William de, Earl of Hun- 
tingdon, 45. 

Colleye, Thomas de, 217-8. 

Constantia of Castille, 285, 287, 303, 

Copeland, John, 160-2. 

Cosin, Johanna, 303. 

Cosin, William, 53. 

Coucy, Ingelram de, Earl of Bed- 
ford, 278-80, 283-4, 298, 308-9. 

Coucy, Mary de, 283, 298, 308. 

Coucy, Philippa de, 284, 298, 308-9. 

Coulton, G. G., 31. 

Courtenay, Sir Hugh, 206. 

Cressivil, Sir Richard de, 101. 

Cromwell, Lord John, 22. 

Cusyngton, Stephen de, 193, 200. 

Cyprus, King of, 276-8, 298. 

DAGWOBTH, Sir Nicholas, 147, 163, 

Daire, John, 175, 178. 

Dart, 301. 

David Bruce, King of Scotland, 48, 
53-4, 80, 89, 91, 106, 129, 131, 
135, 160-2, 196, 203-4, 227-8, 234, 
246-7, 277, 289, 301, 312. 

Denmark, King of, 277. 

Desmond, Earl of, 289. 

Despenser.Hugh, and his father, 19- 
20, 22, 26, 35-6, 38. 

Despenser, Eleanor and Joan, 93. 

Despenser, Philip le, 209. 

Destrier, Andrew, of Bruges, 275. 

Diana, 167-8. 

Douglas, Earl cf, 40, 82. 

EDDINGTON, Sir John de, 101. 

Edmund of Langley, Duke of York, 
128, 133, 184-5, 233, 252, 258, 
271, 282-3, 287, 298, 301, 309-10. 

Edward the Confessor, 140, 300. 

Edward I, 17, 19, 4& 182. 

Edward II, 17-25, 32-3, 35-9, 43-4, 
54, 56-7, 71, 189, 254, 311. 

Edward III, birth, 20; joins his 
mother in Paris, 23 ; letters 
from his father, 25 ; accom- 
panies his mother to Hain- 
ault, 27-30; friendship with 
Philippa, 31-4 ; returns to 
England, 35 ; is chosen king, 
38 ; crowned, 39 ; goes to Scot- 
land, 40 ; asks Philippa in 
marriage, 40 ; receives consent, 
43 ; death of his father, 44 ; 
receives and marries Philippa 
at York, 47 ; Mortimer's insol- 
ence to him, 55 ; his claim to 
France, 58 ; pays homage to 
Philip, 59-60; learns the truth 
about his mother, 61 ; arranges 
for Philippa's coronation, 64-5 ; 
birth of his first son, 66 ; has 
Mortimer seized and executed, 
67-8 ; puts his mother under 
restraint, 69-70; rewards his 
friends, 71 ; takes part in tour- 
naments, 75-6, 132, 143-5, 188, 
193-6, 206, 249, 257-8 ; his sister's 
marriage, 78 ; helps Baliol 
against David Bruce, 80-2 ; 
Philippa joins him at St. Guth- 
bert's, 86 ; death of his brother, 
86 ; leaves Scotland, 87 ; irrita- 
tion against France, 89-92 ; 
home affairs, 93-5, 275 ; his vow 
on the Heron, 96 ; preparations 
against France, 98-9, 101-3 ; 
reaches Antwerp, 104 ; is made 
vicar of the Empire, 105-6 ; suc- 
cessful progresses, 107-8 ; his 
debts, 108-9, 125 ; takes the 
arms of France, 113 ; returns to 
England for supplies, 114 ; 
victory off Blankenberg, 117-8 ; 
challenges Philip to a duel, 121 ; 
truce with France and returns 
to England, 122-3 ; his scholar- 
ship, 126 ; aids and falls in love 
with the Countess of Salisbury, 
129-31 ; adopts the cause of John 
de Montfort, 136-40 ; creates his 
son Prince of Wales, 142 ; tries 
to induce the Flemings to accept 
the Prince as their lord, 147-8 ; 
helps Philippa to obtain her in- 
heritance, 149-50 ; grief at the 
death of Lancaster, 150 ; invades 
France, 152-4 ; battle of Crecy, 
154-7 ; besieges Calais, 158 ; 
receives John Copeland, 161-2 ; 
story of Diana, 167 ; plans his 
daughters' marriages, 164-6, 169 ; 
escape of the Count of Flandersj 



170-2 ; Calais surrenders, 172-8 ; 
stormy passage to England, 179; 
his character and appearance, 
181-4 ; negotiations for Princess 
Joan's marriage to Pedro, 190-3 ; 
founds the Order of the 
Garter, 193-6 ; grief at Joan's 
death, 199-200; receives his 
sister Joan of Scotland, 204 ; 
defends Calais, 210 ; sea-fight 
with Spain, 212-6 ; agrees to 
Princess Isabella's marriage 
with Bernard Ezzi, 221-3 ; sends 
help to St. Jean d'Angely, 227 ; 
negotiations for his younger 
daughters' marriages, 230-2 ; 
war with France renewed, 232-3 ; 
returns to Scotland, 233-5; at 
Windsor, 237-8 ; his dogs, 238 ; 
news of Poitiers, 243 ; receives 
the Black Prince and King John 
of France, 243-5 ; relations with 
David of Scotland, 246-7; his 
portrait painted, 249 ; ransoms 
Chaucer, 251 ; death of his 
mother, 253-4 ; marriages of 
his children, 255-7 ; defends the 
city of London in a tournament, 
257-8 ; invades France again, 
258-60 ; the storm of Bretigny, 
260-1 ; peace made, 261-2 ; 
deaths of his younger daughters, 
and Henry of Lancaster, 264-6 ; 
marriage of the Black Prince, 
267; sends Prince Lionel to 
Ireland, 269-70; his jubilee, 
270-1 ; appoints his eldest son 
Duke of Aquitaine, 270, 274-5; 
French hostage breaks parole, 
and King John returns, 276 ; 
five kings in London, 277-8 ; 
marriage of Princess Isabella 
and de Coucy, 279-80 ; receives 
Albert of Hainault, 282 ; tries to 
arrange a marriage for Edmund 
of Langley, 283 ; agrees for the 
Black Prince to help Pedro of 
Castille, 285-7; arranges for 
Lionel to inherit Scotland, 289 ; 
and to marry Violante of Milan, 
290-2 ; his character deterior- 
ates, 294 ; renewed war with 
France, 296-9 ; death of Queen 
Philippa, 299; his grief, 300-2; 
influence of Alice Perrers, 294, 
302-3, 305-7 ; death of the Black 
Prince, 305 ; failing powers, 
305-6 ; death, 307-8. 
Edward the Black Prince, 66-7, 72, 
79, 83, 87, 93, 102-3, 109, 113-4, 
131, 142, 144-5, 147-8, 152, 154, 
156-7, 172, 175, 183-4, 194-6, 
207-8, 211-6, 232-3, 235-6, 238-46, 
249-50, 255, 258, 262, 266-70, 

274-5, 281-2, 284-8, 295-7, 301, 

Edward, son of the Black Prince, 


Eglesfield, Robert de, 126-8. 
Eland, Sir William, 68, 70. 
Eleanor, daughter of Edward II, 

Duchess of Gueldres, 20, 35, 54, 

61, 72, 77-8, 104, 142-3. 
Eleanora of Aragon, 23. 
Elizabeth de Burgh, Countess of 

Ulster and Duchess of Clarence, 

133-5, 183, 250-1, 269, 271, 273, 

293, 301. 
Ethelred, 49. 
Ethelwulf, 17. 

Eu, Comte d', 203, 226-7, 236, 246. 
Exeter, Bishops of, see Grandisson 

and Stapeldon. 
Ezzi, Bernard, 221-3. 
FIPHIDE, William, 217. 
Fitz-Waryne, Mabel, 50. 
Fitz-Waryne, William le frere, 142. 
Flanders, Count of, 98-9, 102, 116, 

137, 139, 147-8, 157, 169. 
Flanders, Louis, Count of, son of 

above, 99, 102, 116, 139, 148, 

165-6, 168-72, 225. 
Fordul, Sirkyn, 104. 
Forsetti, Dinus, 65. 
Fostebury, Joan de, 222. 
Foulere, Gilbert de, 187. 
Frederick of Austria, 102, 117. 
Froissart, Jean, 31, 33-4, 40, 47, 118, 

126, 130, 137-40, 148, 159, 161, 

166-7, 168, 176-8, 214-5, 236, 263- 

4, 274, 292, 299-301, 313. 
Fromound, Godfrey de, 205. 
Froude, 304. 
GAMBON, Joan, 79. 
Garter, Order of the, 144, 193-6, 211. 
Gaveston, Amicia or Amy de, 50. 
Gaveston, Piers, 18. 
Gay, Gerard de, 120. 
Gibbon, John, 263. 
Gloucester, Amy de, 93, 200. 
Godelan, 123. 
Gower, 310. 
Grafton, 40, 157. 
Grandisson, Bishop of Exeter, 32, 

Gueldres, Reginald, Count of, 77, 

98, 104, 106, 142-3. 
Gueldres, sons of above, 77, 143, 

Guesclin, Bertrand du, 282, 284, 286- 


Guzman, Eleonora, 165, 190, 199. 
Gyvell, Garcia de, 191, 193. 
HAINAULT, Albert of, Philippa's 

nephew, 247-8, 282, 297-8. 
Hainault, Sir John of, 28-9, 34, 39- 

40, 42, 45, 50, 98, 132, 149-50, 

156, 301-2, 


Hainault, William, Count of, 
Philippa's father, 27-8, 30-4, 
40-3, 45-8, 85, 90, 98-101, 301-2. 

Hainault, William, Earl of, Phil- 
ippa's brother, 27-8, 32, 100, 129, 
132, 149, 301. 

Hainault, William, Earl of, Phil- 
ippa's nephew, 225, 229-30, 247-8, 
282, 301. 

Hainault, Countess of (Jeanne de 
Valois), Philippa's mother, 27-8, 
30, 32, 75, 77, 100, 121-2, 136, 

(For Philippa's sisters, see Isa- 
bella, Jeanne, Margaret, and 

Hallam, 91. 

Hannekin, 215. 

Harcourt, Comte de, 237. 

Hardyng, 41-2, 128. 

Harewell, Walter de, 223. 

Haryngton, Sir John and Lady 
Katherine, 66. 

Hawkwood, Sir Thomas, 293. 

Hegham, Richard, 186. 

Henry II, 49. 

Henry III, 219. 

Henry IV, 304, 310. 

Henry of Trastamare, 284, 286-7, 297. 

Hereford, Earl of, 35. 

Heselarton, Walter and Euphemia 
de, 305. 

Holinshed, 144-5, 149, 154, 162, 200-2, 
229-30, 232, 260, 277, 279. 

Holland, Joan, 310. 

Holland, Lord, 308. 

Holland, Sir Thomas, 154, 207-8, 214, 
229, 250, 266, 268, 282. 

Huntingdon, Earl of, 98. 

IDA, 107. 

Ingelly, Margery, 222. 

Isabella of Castillo, 285, 287, 309-10. 

Isabella of France, wife of Edward 
II, 17-30, 33-41, 44, 46-8, 52-9, 
61-3, 67-70, 72, 78, 87, 90, 130, 
150, 203, 218, 253-4. 

Isabella of Hainault, Lady Namur, 
30, 65, 92, 167. 

Isabella of Lorraine, 309. 

Isabella of Woodstock, 78, 81, 83-4, 
99, 102, 116-24, 132-3, 139, 148, 
157, 164-6, 168-72, 175, 182, 184, 
196, 205, 221-5, 230, 257, 267, 
279-80, 283-4, 291, 298, 301, 306, 
JEANNE of Hainault, Marchioness of 

Juliers, 30, 65-6. 

Joan of Kent, the " Fair Maid," 57, 

130-1, 139, 145, 152, 194-5, 207-8, 

229, 250, 266-8, 274, 282, 284-6, 

288, 301, 308, 310. 

Joan of Navarre, 266. 

Joan de Penthi&vre, wife of Charles 

of Blois, 163. 

Joan of the Tower, Queen of Scot- 
land, 20, 35, 48, 53-4, 80, 131, 
135, 204, 234, 246-7, 254, 272-3, 

Joan of Woodstock, 83-4, 93, 102-5, 
107, 110,119-24, 132-3, 139, 164-5, 
182-3, 190-3, 198-200, 284, 287, 
301, 304. 
John of Bohemia, 106, 156-7, 182, 


John of Cologne, 132. 
John of Eltham, Earl of Cornwall, 

20, 35, 52, 54, 61, 77, 87, 301. 
John II of France, 211-2, 226-7, 231-4, 
236-7, 239-46, 254-5, 258-9, 261-2, 
275-8, 281, 283, 301. 

John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, 
114-5, 118, 132-3, 184, 212, 225, 
233, 235, 250, 252-3, 256-8, 262, 
268, 270, 272-4, 285-7, 297-9, 301, 
303-4, 306-11. 

Jolif, Roger, 187. 

Judith, 17. 

Juliers, Elizabeth of, 152, 229. 

Juliers, Marquis of, 65, 98, 106, 152, 
205, 226, 271. 

KAWLEY, Johanna, 303. 

Kelleseye, William de, 146. 

Kempe, John of Flanders, 74, 85, 

Kent, Edmund, Earl of, 19, 22, 35, 
55-7, 70, 130. 

Kent, Joan of, see Joan. 

Kent, John, Earl of, 131, 152, 229. 

Kerdiff, Edmund de, 238. 

Keyneshaw, John de, 228. 

Knyghton, 39, 201. 

LANCASTEB, Blanche of, see Blanche. 

Lancaster, Eleanor de, 110-1. 

Lancaster, Henry, Earl of, 19, 22, 
35, 37, 39, 55-6, 67, 150. 

Lancaster, Henry, Duke of (at first 
of Leicester, and Earl of Derby), 
38, 93, 96, 122, 145, 150-1, 172, 
190, 196, 203, 212, 215, 225-6, 
231-3, 237, 245, 252, 256, 258, 
260, 262, 264-5. 

Lancaster, Isabella de, nun of Am- 
bresbury, 126, 141. 

Lancaster, Maud of, see Maud. 

Lancaster, Thomas, Earl of, 18-19. 

Latymer, Elizabeth, widow of 
William, 142. 

Laundes, John de, 85. 

Ledecombe, William de, 219. 

Leggy, Thomas, 217. 

Leicester, Henry of, see Lancaster. 

Leuknore, John de, 187. 

Levedale, Sir John de, 149. 

Lewis of Bavaria, Emperor of the 
Romans, 42, 65, 98, 104-7, 129, 
181, 301. 

Liberkin, 110, 134. 

Liege, Bishop of, 98. 


Liergin, Agatha, 303. 
Lincoln, Bishop of, 38, 60, 68. 
Lionel, Duke of Clarence, 97, 109-12, 
114, 133-5, 139, 147, 152, 162, 

183, 228, 233, 235, 250-2, 258, 
267, 269-71, 273-4, 289-94, 301, 
304, 307, 310. 

Lippe, Podenot and Catherine de, 


London, William de, 73. 
Longman, 33, 95. 
Luxembourg, see Charles of. 
MAKEBY, John, 187. 
Malaysel, Colard, 66. 
Malore, Peter, 230. 
Manny, Sir Walter, 50, 77, 96, 99, 

138, 174-6, 178, 201, 211, 266, 

311. His children, 266, 311. 
Mar, Earl of, Regent of Scotland, 80. 
March, Earl of, 290. 
Marck, Godfrey de la, 47. 
Margaret of France, wife of Edward 

Margaret of Hainault, Empress of 

the Romans, 30, 32, 42, 65, 105, 

107, 149, 166, 225. 
Margaret of Windsor, 152, 168, 178, 

184, 206, 230-1, 252, 255-6, 258, 
262, 266, 269, 273, 298, 301, 304, 

Marlborough, Sarah, Duchess of, 50. 

Mary of Waltham, 146-7, 184, 224, 
230-1, 252-3, 258, 264-6, 269, 301, 

Maud of Lancaster, Countess of 
Hainault, 151, 225, 247-8, 256, 
265, 267, 272-3, 298. 

Maule, Elena de, 50. 

Melford, John de, 228. 

Melun, Vicomte de, chamberlain of 
France, 60. 

Minot, Laurence, 174. 

Mohun, Elizabeth of, Countess of 
Salisbury, 207. 

Moneyasse, John de, 220. 

Montacute, William, Lord, see Salis- 

Monte Gomeri, John de, 111. 

Montegomery, Lord John de, 104, 
107, 116. 

Montfort, Joan, Countess of, after- 
wards Duchess of Brittany, 137- 
40, 147, 163, 196-7, 253, 265. 

Morbec, Denis de, 242-3. 

Mortimer, Anne, 309. 

Mortimer, Kate, 246-7. 

Mortimer, Roger, 20-1, 23-4, 25-7, 
35, 37, 39-40, 44, 47-8, 52, 54-8, 
62-3, 67-72,90, 130, 150, 184, 218, 
254, 290. 

Mote, Alexia de la, 119. 

Mote, Lady Isabella de la, 104, 119. 

Mount joye, Falkynburgh, Theodore, 
Lord of, 149. 

Mozeley, Lord Robert, 144. 

Mynot, Roger, 112. 

NAMUB, Earl of, 92, 129. 

Namur, Sir Robert de, 92, 167, 215, 

Naples, Robert of, 113, 121. 

Navarre, Charles of, 236-7, 246. 

Neuborne, John de, 188. 

Neville, Lord, 167. 

.Norfolk, Margaret of, 311. 

Norfolk, Thomas of Brotherton, Earl 
of, 19, 22, 35, 39, 54-6, 311. 

Northborough, Roger de, Bishop of 
Lichfield, 45. 

Norwich, Sir John, 90. 

Nottingham, Roger de, 187. 

OFFERD, Andrew de, 193. 

Orleans, Due d', 262. 

Orleton, Adam, Bishop of Hereford 
and Winchester, 26-7, 38-44, 150. 

Otho, Duke of Austria, 84, 102, 107, 

Oxford, Robert de Vere, Earl of, 65. 

Oxford, Earl of, and Duke of Ireland, 

Oxenford, Joan of, 66, 87, 128. 

PALEOLOQUS, Otho, Marquis of Mon- 
ferrat, 293. 

Pascal, Master, physician, 251. 

Pavia, Sir Almeric de, 210. 

Pedro of Castille, 139, 165, 190-2, 199, 
212, 284-7, 309. 

Pembroke, John Hastings, Earl of, 
184, 252, 256, 262, 266, 298-9, 

Penrith, Alice and Agnes de, 49. 

Percy, Lord, 167. 

Perigord, Cardinal de, 239-40. 

Ferrers, Alice, 294-5, 302-3, 305-7. 

Pershore, Elizabeth, 203. 

Petrarch, 197, 292. 

Philip V of France, 17. 

Philip VI of France, 58-61, 84, 89- 
92, 98-9, 101, 106, 113, 116-7, 
121-2, 136, 145-6, 152-8, 164-6, 
170, 172-5, 211. 

Philip le Hardi, Duke of Burgundy, 
241-2, 245, 275-6, 283. 

Philip, Master, King's physician, 

Philippa of Hainault, wife of Edward 
III : her home and family, 30 ; 
description of her or her sister, 
31-2; friendship with Edward, 
31-3 ; parting from him, 34 ; her 
hand in marriage asked and 
granted, 40-3 ; enters London 
and proceeds to York, 45-7 ; her 
wedding, 47-8 ; pardons at her 
request, 49, 81 ; at Woodstock, 
50 ; household, 50 ; letter from 
the nuns of Polslo, 51 ; letters 
from the Pope, 52-3, 69, 86; 
grants to her, 63, 72-3, 77, 81, 



83, 87, 115, 133, 146, 152, 249 ; 
coronation, 64-5 : birth of the 
Black Prince, 66 ; her interest 
in the wool trade, 73-5, 85 ; visit 
of her mother, 75-7 ; at tourna- 
ment in Cheapside, 75-6 ; wed- 
ding present to Princess Eleanor, 
58 ; birth of Princess Isabella, 
78-9; besieged in Bamborough 
Castle, 82; birth of Princess 
Joan, 83-4 ; travels in England, 

84 ; birth of William of Hatfield, 

85 ; is asked to leave St. Cuth- 
bert's Priory, 85-6 ; her vow on 
the Heron, 97-8 ; death of her 
father, 99 ; her business affairs, 
100-1, 125, 184-8, 208-10, 217-20, 
228; she and Edward go to 
Flanders, 103-4 ; parts with 
Princess Joan, 105 ; letters to 
and about Joan, 107 ; lends 
Edward her jewellery, 108-9; 
birth of Prince Lionel, 109-10 ; 
her friends, 110-1 ; her lawsuits, 
112, 185-6; birth of Prince 
John of Gaunt, 114-5 ; Princess 
Joan returns, 117 ; letters and 
presents to her daughters in the 
Tower, 119 ; returns to England, 
123 ; patronage of Queen's Col- 
lege, Oxford, 126-8; birth of 
Prince Edmund of Langley, 128 ; 
visit of her brother, 132 ; birth 
of Blanche of the Tower, 135 ; 
death of her mother, 136; her 
motto, 136; at Havering, 140; 
at the Bound Table tournament, 
144 ; birth of Princess Mary of 
Waltham, 146; death of her 
brother, 149 ; birth of Princess 
Margaret of Windsor, 152 ; at 
battle of Neville's Cross, 159 ; 
dispute with John Copeland, 
160-1 ; receives David of Scot- 
land as prisoner, 162 ; reaches 
Calais, 167 ; prepares for her 
daughter Isabella's wedding, 
170; sympathy with her disap- 
pointment, 171 ; pleads for the 
burghers of Calais, 176-8 ; enters 
Calais, 179; returns to England, 
180; her children, 183-4; her 
unpopularity, 186 ; parts from 
her daughter Joan, 190-3 ; chief 
lady of the Order of the Garter, 
195-6; grief at Joan's death, 
199 ; receives Queen Joan of 
Scotland, 204; birth of Prince 
William of Windsor, 205-6; 
royal progress, 206; watches 
the Spanish sea-fight, 212-15 ; 
anxieties, 216 ; disapproval of 
her daughter Isabella, 220, 224 ; 
disputes concerning her Hain- 

ault estates, 149, 225, 282 ; her 
younger daughters, 230-1 ; birth 
of Prince Thomas of Wood- 
stock, 232 ; patronage of William 
of Wykeham, 238; hears of 
Battle of Poitiers, 243 ; receives 
King John of France at West- 
minster, 245; friendship with 
Queen Joan of Scotland, 247 ; 
grief at her nephew's madness, 
247-8 ; portrait painted, 249 ; 
falls from her horse, 253 ; 
marriages of her children, 256-7 ; 
patronage of Froissart, 263-4, 
274 ; deaths of her younger 
daughters, 265-6 ; anxieties 
about Lionel, 269-70, 289 ; royal 
progresses, 271 ; deaths of her 
friends, 272-3 ; bids farewell to 
the Black Prince, 274-5 ; receives 
John of France again, 277; 
marriage of Princess Isabella, 
279 ; Edward's presents to his 
wife, 279 ; reconciliation with 
Isabella, 284 ; parts from Lionel, 
290-1 ; his death, 294 ; her ill- 
ness and Edward's infidelity, 
294; her death, 299-300; her 
funeral, monument, and epitaph, 
300-2; her jewels given to Alice 
Perrers, 305; her character, 

Philippa, her damsels, 50, 140-2, 
209-19, 228, 272, 303. 

Picard, Sir Henry and Lady Mar- 
garet, 278. 

Plympton, Matilda or Maud de, 66, 
87, 128. 

Pole, William de la, 209. 

Polslo, Prioress of, 50-1. 

Ponteallen, Mdlle. de, 253. 

Pope Benedict XII, 86, 89, 106, 129, 

Pope Clement VI, 144, 179, 207. 

Pope Innocent VI, 231-2, 243, 257, 

Pope John XXII, 41, 43, 52-3, 61, 66, 
69, 79. 

Pope Urban V, 283-4. 

Pore, Agnes, 152. 

Portenare, John de, 101, 125. 

Pouche, Dolfin, 123. 

Pouche, William, 123, 218. 

Priour, Emma, 50, 141. 

Priour, Thomas, 66. 

Pyebrook, Joan, 79. 

RADSCROFT, Matilda, 303. 

Randolph, 40. 

Bapin, 39. 

Bavensholme, John and Margery de, 

Beynolds, Walter, Archbishop of 
Canterbury, 37, 39, 55, 123. 

Bibaumont, Sir Eustace de, 173. 



Richard I, 195. 

Richard II, 286, 298, 304, 306, 308, 

Robert of Artois, see Artois. 

Robert of Namur, see Namur. 

Robert of Naples, see Naples. 

Roe, Katherine, see Swynford. 

Romans, Emperor of, see Lewis of 
Bavaria and Charles of Luxem- 

Rosamond de Clifford, 49. 

Rose, Edmund, 209. 

Routh, Peter and Elizabeth de, 210. 

SAHAN, John de, 228. 

St. Pierre, Eustace de, 175, 178. 

Salisbury, Katherine, Countess of, 
129-31, 145, 194, 206. 

Salisbury, Philippa of, 150. 

Salisbury, William Montacute, Earl 
of, 67-8, 70-1, 93, 96,98, 116, 129- 
30, 132, 139, 145, 311. 

Salisbury, Earl of, son of above, 129, 
131, 145, 207, 311-2. 

Sancto Omero, William and Eliza- 
beth de, 87. 

Savoy, Count of, 291. 

Saxilby, Agnes de, 303. 

Say, Sir Geoffrey, 90. 

Scarborough, Agnes de, 81. 

Scures, Sir John, 238. 

Segrave, Hugh de, 228. 

Shenle, John de, 290. 

Skelton, 302. 

Spenser, Lord Edmund, 293. 

Stafford, Earl of, 179, 225. 

Stapeldon, Walter, Bishop of Exeter, 
23-4, 31-2, 35, 42. 

Stewart, Robert, 312. 

Stodeley, Joan de, 146. 

Stow, 83, 181, 188, 190, 206, 226, 263, 
270, 279, 281, 291, 293, 296, 300. 

Stratford, Archbishop of Canterbury, 

Strickland, Miss, 70, 171. 

Strothere, Alan de, 219. 

Stury, Sir William, 149. 

Suffolk, Earl of, 96. 

Surrey, John de Warena, Earl of, 

Sutton, Margery de, 228. 
wynfleet, William de, 187. 
Swynford, or Roet, Katherine, 303, 


Sybella of Hainault, 30-3. 
TAILLEUB, John le, vicar of Lincoln, 


Talworth, John and Perota de, 210. 
Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of 

Gloucester, 233, 258-9, 272, 282, 

299, 301, 310. 

Thomasyn, Bartholomew, 218. 
Throxford, Isabella de, 205. 
Tourbevyle, Johanna de, 51. 
Treves, Archbishop of, 109. 
Trussel, Sir William, 38. 
Tuttebury, Thomas de, 188. 
VACHB, Sir Richard and Amy de la, 


Vaux, Elizabeth de, 210, 228. 
Vienne, Sir John de, 158, 173, 175. 
Visconti, Galeazzo, Lord of Pa via, 


Visconti, Violante, 289-93. 
WALDBMAB, King of Denmark, 277. 
Waleys, Augustine and Maud, 228. 
Walsingham, 57, 179. 
Warton, 126. 

Warwick, Countess of, 273. 
Warwick, Earl of, 172, 178. 
Werthyngpole, Lonota de, 119. 
Whitewell, Hasculph de, 73. 
William I, 74. 

William of Hainault, see Hainault. 
William of Hatfield, 85, 93, 304. 
William of Windsor, 135, 205-6, 304. 
William of Wykeham, see Wykeham. 
Windsor, Sir William de, 307. 
Wissant, John and Peter, 175. 
Wolverton, John and Elizabeth de, 


Wycliffe, John, 200, 311. 
Wyght, Walter, 210. 
Wykeham, William of, Bishop of 

Winchester, 114-5, 237-8, 262-3, 

299, 306. 
Wyntown, 204. 
YOBK, House of, 309.